The Conversation – Canada – Page 10

January 7, 2026

Canada risks missing out on Africa’s trade boom under Mark Carney

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Isaac Odoom, Assistant Professor, Political Science, Carleton University

At the G20 summit in South Africa in November, Prime Minister Mark Carney announced several new initiatives, including talks toward a Foreign Investment Promotion and Protection Agreement (FIPA) with South Africa.

But when asked about prioritizing Africa’s economic opportunities for Canada, Carney said Africa is not among his government’s early priorities because other regions offered “the most immediate return.” That remark was at odds with what many Canadians and African partners have been urging Canadian officials to do: treat Africa as a core partner in Canada’s economic diversification plan, diplomatic and geopolitical future.

Shortly after Carney’s remarks, in December, the Senate’s Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Trade released a landmark report entitled Canada–Africa: Seizing a Strategic Opportunity. It urged the federal government to engage Africa now with resources, ambition and a concrete action plan or risk being left behind.

Together, these two developments reveal a central tension shaping Canada’s Africa policy at the moment — and precisely when Africa’s global standing is rising.

Why this matters now

Africa’s demographic and economic trajectory is unmistakable. The continent’s working-age population is expanding faster than any other region, 12 of the world’s 20 fastest-growing economies are in Africa and the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), which aims to create one of the world’s largest integrated markets, is already in motion.

This demographic dividend and market potential matter not only to African states, but to countries like Canada seeking new trade diversification partners and growth opportunities.

Against this backdrop, the Senate’s report provides 21 recommendations — including the need for a detailed Africa Strategy action plan with timelines and resources, regular high-level dialogue with the African Union, support for AfCFTA implementation, strengthened trade commissioner services and enhanced diaspora engagement. It urges the government to match its promises with real resources and commitment.

Canada’s Africa Strategy

The government’s March 2025 Canada’s Africa Strategy was widely welcomed as a positive step toward a more coherent foreign policy on Africa. It articulates goals for shared prosperity, security and mutual co-operation, acknowledging Africa’s growing place in the world.

My own earlier analysis on Canadian engagement in Africa highlighted that Canada’s new strategy offered a foundation to rethink how it builds partnerships across the continent — not simply viewing Africa as a development recipient, but as a region of strategic partnership and economic opportunity.

I also noted how Canada could learn from China’s long-term engagement model, particularly its emphasis on sustained relationships, infrastructure and market access, while offering a distinct, values-based alternative.

Delivery is the real test

Canada’s Africa Strategy articulates a necessary vision, but follow-through remains limited. That gap is visible in Canada’s broader policy signals.

Even after the launch of the strategy, Africa remains marginal in Canada’s trade and economic planning. The 2025 federal budget identified priority trade markets in Europe and Asia, but not Africa, despite stated support for the AfCFTA. Such inconsistencies suggest lingering hesitation in committing political capital to Africa.

Diplomatic choices reinforce this impression. Limiting Carney’s G20 trip to South Africa alone missed an opportunity to signal a continentwide vision.

A short stop in another regional hub would have underscored Canada’s recognition of Africa’s diversity and strategic importance. Instead, the narrow itinerary conveyed a constrained reading of Africa’s geopolitical and economic landscape. African governments notice these signals, especially at a time when they are actively diversifying external partnerships.

None of this means Canada lacks opportunities. The nuclear co-operation agreement with South Africa signed at the G20 has real potential. A future FIPA could offer greater certainty for Canadian investors in South Africa. And although tentative, the reference to AfCFTA engagement at the G20 is significant.

But for these opportunities to lead to real outcomes, Canada needs a more deliberate and sustained approach backed by resources and political commitment.

Africa’s expanding consumer market

Why does this matter for Canadians? Africa has a young and fast-growing population, a burgeoning middle class and an expanding consumer market. Canadian firms, from clean technology and education to agribusiness and services, can benefit if supported at the right time with the right tools.

Diplomatic influence from a continent of 54 countries also flows from consistency and commitment; not intermittent engagement.

For the first time, the G20 in South Africa was a reminder that Africa is no longer peripheral to global politics. African markets are diverse, fast-changing and increasingly central to the global economy. This requires Canada to look past short-term returns, acknowledging Africa’s critical role in its economic future and investing resources to that end.

Other countries like China, Turkey, Brazil and Gulf states have already recognized this reality. Every year Canada delays, it risks losing ground that will be hard to reclaim.

Time to act

Despite the strategy’s imperfections, Canada now has a plan for engaging with Africa. But a plan is only as good as its implementation.

The Senate report is timely and calls for committing real resources, expanding diplomatic and trade support structures and elevating Africa in Canada’s foreign policy narrative well beyond occasional summits. It means sustained leadership attention from the prime minister and senior ministers.

If Canada seizes this moment with purpose, resources and political will, it can build genuine partnerships that benefit both Canadians and African partners. The Senate’s report aligns with the view that Africa is not a charity case; it is a strategic frontier for trade, innovation and geopolitical influence. Delivery must be the priority going forward, or Canada will be left behind.

Isaac Odoom does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Canada risks missing out on Africa’s trade boom under Mark Carney – https://theconversation.com/canada-risks-missing-out-on-africas-trade-boom-under-mark-carney-272166

January 7, 2026

Why Canada needs better data on strikes, unions and other labour issues

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Larry Savage, Professor, Labour Studies, Brock University

In the summer of 2025, the federal government quietly pulled national strike and lockout data from public view. The move followed a complaint from the Confédération des syndicats nationaux (CSN), the second-largest trade union federation in Québec.

The CSN learned that an employer organization was waging an anti-union campaign using flawed data published by Statistics Canada. The data artificially inflated the number of strikes in the province, leading the Montreal Economic Institute to falsely assert that since 2023, 91 per cent of Canadian work stoppages had affected Québec.

On Dec. 16, the corrected data was restored without comment.

Months of missing data made it difficult for employers, unions and researchers to make sense of trends and emerging patterns in Canadian labour relations. Worse yet, the flawed data helped influence a debate and shape public opinion about labour law reform in Québec.

This episode highlights a persistent problem: Canada does a poor job of gathering vital labour relations information. In a period of rising inequality and renewed union-management conflict, stakeholders need better and more accurate data.

What disappeared and why it matters

For decades, Employment and Social Development Canada (ESDC) and Statistics Canada have published national data on strikes and lockouts. These figures allow journalists, members of the public and other stakeholders to track where conflicts are occurring, how large they are, how long they last and the number of workers involved over time.

Labour relations data is a basic need for the purpose of work-related policy analysis. Without timely and reliable figures, it becomes increasingly difficult to analyze current workplace conflicts, compare them across sectors or provinces or place them in historical context.

Long-term, consistent data sets are especially important because they allow researchers to identify trends: whether work stoppages are becoming more frequent, which industries are most affected and how policy changes may be influencing workplace conflict. When that continuity is broken, so is the ability to understand how the labour relations landscape is changing over time.

While ESDC’s public tables were unavailable, Statistics Canada’s historical tables, on which researchers often rely, were also negatively affected. The government offered no public explanation on its website for why the data were taken down, though ESDC now indicates that revisions were made to recent data covering Québec.

Canada lags behind other countries

Other countries show that better labour relations data collection is possible. In the United States, for example, the National Labor Relations Board consistently releases statistics on union certification applications and unfair labour practice cases, giving the public regular insights into trends in unionization and workplace conflict.

Some Canadian provincial labour boards publish annual reports, but nothing at the federal level matches the depth and timeliness of U.S. labour relations reporting. This leaves Canada with a patchwork of partial figures instead of a coherent national picture of how unions, employers and workers are interacting.

Despite the return of ESDC’s work stoppages data, Canada still lacks crucial information on the broader system of labour relations. There is currently no timely national source for data on new union certifications, membership levels in individual unions, unfair labour practices, strike votes, health and safety work refusals, or duty of fair representation complaints.

Researchers looking for this information must often wait for uneven provincial annual reports or file individual requests with provincial labour boards and Statistics Canada, which can be slow and costly.

In some cases, the data is not collected at all. The result is a system in which some of the most important features of labour relations are effectively hidden from public view by administrative fragmentation.

Models Canada could follow

Canada already has models that show how a national labour relations data system could work. The Ontario Ministry of Labour’s collective bargaining database, for instance, tracks public and private sector negotiations, wage settlements, mediation and arbitration outcomes, and even the contents of recent collective agreements.

The Association of Workers’ Compensation Boards of Canada shows that provincial data can be combined to create a clear national picture. Working with provincial workers’ compensation boards, it produces national statistics on injuries, fatalities and other workplace safety issues.

The ESDC could use this model to build a national labour relations database that would include information on union certification applications and outcomes, membership trends by sector and region, unfair labour practice complaints and work refusals.

Such a resource would help policymakers see what’s happening in Canada’s workplaces, allow unions and employers to compare bargaining results, and help journalists and the public evaluate how well labour laws work. It would also strengthen academic research and support better labour relations policy.

Expanding public access to labour relations data would also send a clear signal that the federal government understands the value of evidence-based policy decisions. In a period when official statistics on wages, jobs and prices are under political pressure in other countries, Canada has an opportunity and a responsibility to strengthen its own commitment to open, reliable labour relations data.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Why Canada needs better data on strikes, unions and other labour issues – https://theconversation.com/why-canada-needs-better-data-on-strikes-unions-and-other-labour-issues-272776

January 6, 2026

2025 was the year protein ‘jumped the shark’

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Stuart Phillips, Professor, Kinesiology, Tier 1 Canada Research Chair in Skeletal Muscle Health, McMaster University

Thirty years ago, when I began studying protein metabolism, I would never have guessed that 2025 would be spent explaining why more protein is not always better.

Protein was once the quiet macronutrient that was always assumed sufficient. Carbs had their era, and fat had its moment in the sun. Protein arrived late, but I welcomed the attention.

The phrase “jumped the shark” comes from a now-infamous 1977 episode of the iconic sitcom Happy Days, when the character Fonzie (Henry Winkler) literally water-skied over a shark. It was the moment the show sacrificed solid plot and logic for spectacle. In 2025, dietary protein repeated Winkler’s performance and crossed the line from evidence-based nutrition into performance theatre.

In 2025, protein became a metabolic Jack-of-all nutrients: protein for fat loss, protein for longevity, protein for weight loss, protein for hormone balance, protein for menopause, protein for people on GLP-1 drugs, protein for people who exercise, protein for people who do not. Protein everywhere, and the more, the better.

Despite a number of prominent voices promoting very high protein intakes in 2025, the reality is that the research data hadn’t changed. It was the messaging and volume that had been turned up.

Protein is not the cake

One reason protein is so easy to overhype is that its effects are real, but conditional. Protein supports muscle function and adaptation, but it does not act in isolation.

I use analogies because they capture biology surprisingly well. Protein does not bake the cake; exercise does. Protein is the (thin) layer of icing (or the sprinkles on the icing). Once the cake is properly iced, adding more icing does not turn it into something else. At some point, you are just decorating.

Biology is full of plateaus. Protein is no exception.

How much protein is enough?

The recommended dietary allowance (RDA) of 0.8 grams of protein per kilogram of body weight per day (g/kg/day) was never designed to optimize muscle mass, muscle strength or support healthy aging. It was designed to be the minimal dose to balance nitrogen in the body. Nitrogen balance is used as a proxy for protein balance since protein is the only significant source of nitrogen we consume.

Over the past two decades, many researchers, including myself and several colleagues, have argued that higher protein intakes are often justified. Intakes of 1.2 to 1.6 g/kg/day appear to support better muscle maintenance and adaptation, but in reality, only when combined with resistance exercise.

But here is the critical point that was lost in 2025’s protein enthusiasm: there is no strong, rational, evidence-based case for going beyond this range for most people (and yes, that includes folks in the process of weight loss and those crushing the big weights five or six days per week).

Meta-analyses pooling dozens of resistance exercise training (strength training) studies consistently show that the benefits of protein supplementation plateau at about 1.6 g/kg/day. Beyond that, additional protein does not increase lean mass or strength.

This axiom is not controversial, even if it became controversial in the minds of online influencers.

Muscle is built by resistance exercise

Protein is the bricks. Resistance exercise is the construction crew. You can deliver bricks all day long, but without workers and a blueprint, nothing gets built. When protein intake is increased to above deficiency intakes in people who are not performing resistance exercise, changes in lean mass are trivial or nonexistent.

When resistance exercise is present, additional protein can (very) modestly enhance gains in lean mass and strength, but the effects are small and saturable. More is not endlessly better.

Protein and weight loss: managing expectations

Protein hype was especially evident in discussions of weight loss. Protein was credited with boosting metabolism, melting fat, preventing fat gain in perimenopause or suppressing appetite indefinitely. These claims sound appealing. They are also grossly overstated.

Protein does not cause weight loss on its own; you need an energy deficit for that. It does not meaningfully increase long-term energy expenditure, and while it can reduce appetite in short-term studies, these effects often diminish over time, leaving a small overall benefit.

Where protein does matter during weight loss is in helping preserve lean tissue, particularly when paired with resistance exercise. But even here, the protein effect is modest, and the distinction between lean mass and muscle mass is frequently blurred.

Protein without resistance exercise, during weight loss, does very little. Exercise is the major driver that helps lean mass retention. Protein is the supporting material.

Protein leverage: Real, but not limitless

Another concept that resurfaced in 2025 was protein leverage, the idea that humans eat until protein needs are met, potentially over-consuming energy when diets are lower in protein.

There is good evidence that protein leverage exists. But it operates within limits. Once basic protein needs are met, adding more protein does not continue to suppress appetite and depress energy intake endlessly. Notably, the intake at which protein’s appetite-suppressing effect wanes is, uncomfortably for social media pundits, only marginally higher than intakes people generally consume. Again, biology is not fooled by abundance.

Why did this happen in 2025?

My best explanation is that it often takes about 17 years for solid scientific evidence to filter into public awareness and practice.

Perhaps the social media world needed time to “do their research” — that is, read papers and form their conclusions — to catch up to what protein researchers had been doing for decades? But social media can spin things, and not always in the right direction.

Protein research matured in the 1990s and early 2000s. We refined methods, tested dose responses and clarified mechanisms. What we are seeing now is not a scientific breakthrough, but a delayed cultural uptake, amplified by social media, marketing and a wellness industry that thrives on extremes.

Unfortunately, as another lesson learned in 2025, neither science nor nuance fares well online.

Bringing protein back to reality

Protein matters. It always has. It supports muscle, function and health across the lifespan. Many people, especially older adults, very likely benefit from consuming more than the RDA.

But 2025 was not the year protein finally got its due. It was the year protein was oversold, overvalued and overhyped. Protein supports adaptation; it does not cause it. It helps preserves lean tissues (which is not muscle) during weight loss; it does not drive fat loss. And beyond a certain point, more protein is simply more protein, not more benefit.

The science of protein has not been revolutionized; we just need to listen to it again.

Stuart Phillips owns patents licensed to Exerkine and has received honoraria for speaking from Nestle, Optimum Nutrition and Danone. He receives funding from the National Science and Engineering Research Council, the Canadian Institutes for Health Research, the US National Institutes of Health, Dairy Famers of Canada, teh US National Dairy Council.

– ref. 2025 was the year protein ‘jumped the shark’ – https://theconversation.com/2025-was-the-year-protein-jumped-the-shark-272614

January 6, 2026

Digital payments can expand financial inclusion — but only under the right conditions

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Mesbah Sharaf, Professor of Economics, University of Alberta

Digital payments are often presented as a way to bring more people into the financial system. Mobile wallets, online transfers and app-based payment systems are now central to how governments, banks and technology firms talk about expanding access to financial services.

This is particularly significant today. Around the world, governments are investing heavily in digital finance as part of broader development and sustainability strategies. In Canada, public efforts have focused on strengthening digital payment infrastructure and regulation rather than expanding access directly.

Payments Canada is undertaking a multi-year modernization of core payment systems, including the development of a real-time payment rail, while the federal government has introduced a consumer-driven banking framework to support secure data sharing and innovation in financial services.

From emerging economies to high-income countries, digital payments are seen as tools for inclusion, resilience and growth, from India’s Unified Payments Interface to Brazil’s PIX instant payment system.

At the same time, digital payments do not work equally for everyone. Our recent research suggests a more complex picture of digital payments.

A more complex picture

Digital payment technologies can support financial inclusion, especially in places where traditional banking services are limited.

By reducing the need for physical bank branches, digital platforms can lower costs, save time and make basic financial services easier to use, particularly for low-income and rural populations who can access accounts and payments through mobile phones rather than in-person banking.

Evidence from multiple countries shows that digital financial services reduce transaction costs and expand access to formal financial tools for households and small businesses that were previously excluded.

For many households and small businesses — particularly in developing and emerging economies — this has expanded access to accounts and payment services.

Foundations matter for adoption

In our study, we reviewed research from the past decade about how digital payment technologies affect financial inclusion worldwide.

One of our key findings is that digital payment systems tend to perform best when certain conditions are already in place. Reliable internet and mobile networks, affordable devices and basic digital skills all matter for people to be able to use and benefit from digital payments.

Where these foundations are weak or uneven, adoption remains limited, even when digital payment options are widely available. Research shows that limited digital infrastructure, low internet access and weak technology readiness can act as significant barriers to adoption, meaning that simply introducing new technology does not guarantee that people will use it.

Trust also plays a crucial role. People are more likely to use digital payments when they trust the financial system behind them and feel confident their money is safe, and when security and privacy concerns are addressed.

In countries where financial institutions are weak or consumer protection is limited, digital platforms often struggle to gain widespread acceptance. This was the case with Nigeria’s eNaira, where fewer than 0.5 per cent of the population was using the digital currency a year after launch and most wallets remained inactive.

In such settings, cash frequently remains the preferred option, even when digital alternatives exist.

Persistent gender and socioeconomic gaps

Gender gaps are another recurring pattern. Across many countries, women are less likely than men to use digital financial services. These differences aren’t caused by technology itself, but by broader social and economic factors.

Women often have less access to mobile phones, lower digital literacy and less control over financial resources. As a result, digital payment systems can reflect — and sometimes reinforce — existing inequalities rather than eliminate them.

Income and education levels also influence adoption. People with higher incomes or more education are generally better positioned to adopt digital payments and benefit from them.

For lower-income users, concerns about fees, data costs, security and usability can discourage regular use. This helps explain why many digital payment platforms report high registration numbers but much lower levels of sustained activity.

The institutional and regulatory environment also shapes outcomes. Evidence shows that digital payments are more effective when supported by clear rules, strong consumer protections and well-functioning oversight.

When regulation is unclear or enforcement is weak, users may hesitate to rely on digital platforms for everyday transactions. When digital payments are integrated into a broader, trustworthy financial ecosystem, they are more likely to contribute to meaningful inclusion.

Promises and limits of technology

Newer technologies, such as blockchain-based payment systems, are sometimes presented as a way to overcome these challenges. While they may offer advantages in specific contexts, our research shows the evidence remains cautious.

Their effectiveness depends heavily on regulation, institutional capacity and user confidence. As with other digital tools, outcomes vary widely across countries and communities.

It’s clear that digital payments are not a simple solution. Their impact depends on how they’re designed, regulated and used within existing social and economic systems.

For policymakers and firms, this has important implications. Expanding financial inclusion is not just about introducing new technologies or increasing the number of digital accounts. It requires attention to affordability, usability, trust and the barriers faced by groups that are already disadvantaged. Without this broader perspective, digital finance risks widening gaps rather than closing them.

Digital payments can play a valuable role in promoting financial inclusion, but only under the right conditions. The evidence shows that technology can support inclusion, but it cannot replace the institutional, social and policy foundations on which inclusive financial systems ultimately depend.

– ref. Digital payments can expand financial inclusion — but only under the right conditions – https://theconversation.com/digital-payments-can-expand-financial-inclusion-but-only-under-the-right-conditions-272555

January 6, 2026

Venezuela attack, Greenland threats and Gaza assault mark the collapse of international legal order

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Jorge H. Sanchez-Perez, Assistant Professor, Department of Philosophy, University of Alberta

The American invasion of Venezuela — along with fresh threats to annex Greenland — provide the world with a unique opportunity to perform a post-mortem examination on what was once known as the international rules-based legal order.

This legal order was based on rules enshrined in the United Nations Charter of 1945. Its collapse creates uncertainty that requires careful consideration from all those interested in world peace.

First, however, it’s important to understand what legal orders are and how they can collapse.

Social rules come in different forms — some might be religious, some moral. But complex political communities tend to be ruled by another set of rules, legal ones.

Legal rules tend to be organized in what are commonly called legal orders, and these orders guide the actions of members of the political communities in their everyday lives. One goal of most legal orders is, usually, co-ordination among those who are part of a social group.

When we think about legal orders, we usually focus on the ones that are closer to our political communities, such as those connected to our cities, provinces and states. But there’s one legal order that tends to be ignored more often than not — the international legal order.

International law

One defining feature of international legal orders is that they are far removed from people within their own political communities, so negotiations to establish shared rules are usually carried out by representatives of large states or other powerful political entities.

Even though the international legal order feels isolated from everyday rules — like city laws telling us which side of the road to drive on — it shares the same basic features that make any system of co-ordination work.

One key feature is meeting the expectations of the people within a political community. For a legal order to last over time, it must do this. In other words, because legal orders are systems of co-ordination, they tend to endure as long as their rules are expected and accepted, even if those rules are unjust.

Although some people believe that a law must be just to count as law, that view is hard to sustain when we look at the past few hundred years of human history. Many periods offer clear examples of both domestic and international legal systems that upheld deeply unjust and morally troubling positions.

Yet it would be difficult to argue that there was no legal order in places like the Ottoman Empire or Nazi Germany. In both cases, genocide — among the gravest moral failures imaginable — occurred within functioning legal systems. This suggests that legal orders can persist even while enabling repeated immoral actions.

History also shows, however, that legal orders do collapse, and often more quickly and more frequently than many might expect.

The Ottoman Empire and Nazi Germany, for example, ceased to exist a long time ago. From a broader historical perspective, the legal order of the Roman Republic in the second century BCE no longer exists and bears little resemblance to the system governing modern Rome within Italy today.

Like the other legal orders mentioned, the post–Second World War order increasingly looks like a relic rather than a binding reality — a fact we must clearly recognize if we hope to save some of its positive features.

Fundamental rights

After the Second World War, one of the main agreements among most political communities around the world was that the previously held right to wage wars against other countries was no longer acceptable. Sovereignty consequently became one of the cornerstones of the international legal order.

This was enshrined in Articles 1 and 2 of the United Nations Charter. The logic was simple: as the charter’s preamble notes, repeated wars had brought immense suffering to people entitled to fundamental rights based on their dignity, worth and equality. As a result, this new order abolished the right of political communities to wage war for any reason.

In practice, however, this order rested on a watered-down version of that ideal. Even when sovereignty and human rights were violated via military action, the appearance of an aim to protect them had to be maintained. Powerful states could breach these principles so long as they preserved the illusion that they were attempting to uphold and safeguard sovereignty and rights.

This unspoken rule — that power could override law if the façade remained intact — underpinned the international legal order from 1945 to 2023.

As the world watched the assault on Gaza unfold — deemed a genocide by the United Nations — many western political communities that had helped build the post-war legal order abandoned even the pretense that sustained it.

Once the illusion of respect for sovereignty and human rights collapsed, the system lost a key element that had kept it functioning. This is why I’ve argued previously that the rules-based international order went to Gaza to die at the hands of those who created it.

Annexation made easy

Unlike U.S. President George W. Bush’s war in Iraq, which was framed by American diplomats as defending human rights, Donald Trump’s invasion of Venezuela and the capture of Nicolás Maduro weren’t presented as respecting any lofty principles.

His actions were grounded on the views that the U.S. has a claim to Venezuela’s oil. The intervention was driven by economic interests and hearkened back to the the Monroe Doctrine, an 1823 U.S. policy that promoted American imperialism.

The events in Venezuela suggest the post-1945 international legal order, which emphasized sovereignty and fundamental rights, has been replaced by one more like the pre-Second World War system, when nations could go to war for almost any reason.

Under the legal order now in place, Canada and Greenland could easily be the next targets of American annexation. Similarly, Taiwan could be annexed by China and Ukraine by Russia.

What the world is witnessing now is the international rules-based order being stripped of whatever value it once had. It is time to accept this reality if we are to build a better international order next time.

Jorge H. Sanchez-Perez receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC).

– ref. Venezuela attack, Greenland threats and Gaza assault mark the collapse of international legal order – https://theconversation.com/venezuela-attack-greenland-threats-and-gaza-assault-mark-the-collapse-of-international-legal-order-272690

January 6, 2026

What the New Year’s fire at a Swiss bar tells us about fire prevention

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Brodie Ramin, Assistant Professor, Faculty of Medicine, L’Université d’Ottawa/University of Ottawa

In the early hours of Jan. 1, 2026, a fire ripped through Le Constellation bar in Crans-Montana, Switzerland, killing 40 people and injuring 116, many of them severely.

Investigators believe the blaze began when sparklers on champagne bottles were held too close to the ceiling, igniting interior materials. The investigation is ongoing, and it is premature to draw conclusions about individual actions or responsibility. But fires do not need villains to be instructive.

What matters is not the spark itself, but the system into which that spark was introduced.

Fire safety, as history keeps reminding us, is not about eliminating ignition. We will always cook, heat, wire, decorate, celebrate and repair. Fire prevention is about ensuring that when ignition happens, as it inevitably will, it does not propagate.

My research has focused on how disasters are prevented, and how warning signs are missed when systems drift or protections are taken for granted. Fire safety is one area I have examined, and it reveals recurring patterns that are relevant to understanding this tragedy.

Fire as a contagion

For one thing, fire behaves less like an accident and more like a virus. It spreads through available fuel, follows paths of least resistance and accelerates when conditions are favourable. The historian Stephen Pyne describes fire as a “contagion of combustion.”

Like disease prevention, fire safety has never relied on a single safeguard. Instead, it depends on layers of them: materials that resist ignition, detection systems that identify problems early, compartmentalization that limits spread, suppression systems that slow or extinguish flames and trained humans who know how to respond when technology falters. When fires become destructive, it is almost always because multiple layers fail at once.

The Reason Model and fire prevention

The Reason Model, often visualized as slices of Swiss cheese, helps explain why disasters occur even in systems designed to be safe.

Each slice represents a layer of defence. Each slice also contains holes, imperfections, gaps and latent weaknesses. Most of the time, those holes do not line up, but when they do, harm passes through.

Latent conditions for fire exist everywhere: dry materials, electrical wiring, human fatigue, budget constraints, informal workarounds. These conditions are usually harmless until they align. The spark is not the cause of the disaster. It is merely the moment when all the holes line up.

Celebration and risk perception

The New Year’s fire at Le Constellation bar occurred in a celebratory setting. That matters, because celebration changes how we perceive risk.

Celebratory spaces often bring together the very conditions fire exploits: crowds, alcohol, decorations, reduced vigilance, temporary installation and informal rule-bending “just for the night.” When those conditions align with flammable materials or limited escape access, the margin for error shrinks dramatically.

Latent conditions are not evenly distributed across time. They cluster during moments of exception — holidays, renovations, special events when normal routines are suspended.

Notre-Dame: when multiple failures occur

When the Notre-Dame Cathedral nearly collapsed in a fire in April 2019, it shocked the world. The building was not neglected. It had a sophisticated fire detection system with more than 160 sensors. Fire wardens patrolled the attic three times daily. A firefighter was permanently stationed on site. The Paris Fire Brigade had trained for exactly such a scenario.

And yet, the fire still spread.

An alarm triggered at 6:18 p.m., but a misinterpreted code sent a guard to the wrong attic. A fatigued technician, covering a double shift, struggled to escalate the alert. The system detected the fire, but it did not automatically summon the fire department. By the time the correct location was identified, 30 minutes had passed. The roof timbers, made of centuries old dry oak, were already burning uncontrollably.

Notre-Dame did not burn because no one cared. It burned because multiple failures aligned: ambiguous alarm codes, human fatigue, delayed escalation and architectural features that lacked compartmentalization or sprinklers. A fire protection engineer later remarked that the only surprise was that the disaster had not happened sooner.

Rarity breeds complacency

One of the paradoxes of modern fire safety is that it works so well it becomes invisible. Between 1980 and 2024, the rate of reported fires per 1,000 people in the United States fell by more than 60 per cent, according to long-term data compiled by the National Fire Protection Association. Sprinklers, fire doors, smoke detectors, compartmentalization and education campaigns have made large fires rare.

But that rarity can breed complacency.

When a system prevents disaster hundreds of times, it becomes tempting to ignore precautions. Doors are left open. Materials are substituted. Alarms are misunderstood. Redundancies are trimmed.

The holes in the safety system widen quietly. Then, eventually, they all line up.

Learning from tragedies

The Swiss fire had its own specific causes, and those details matter. But the broader lesson is neither new nor obscure. Fires do not escalate only because people are reckless. They escalate because systems drift away from the conditions under which they were safe.

Fire safety is an engineering and organizational project. It requires constant attention to small details, especially when nothing seems wrong. It demands respect for fire and its destructive potential.

We have learned, repeatedly, how to prevent fires from spreading. Every major advance, from fire doors to sprinklers to automatic shutoff systems, came from studying failures where containment broke down.

The tragedy is not that we do not know what works. It is that, over time, we forget to be afraid.

Brodie Ramin does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. What the New Year’s fire at a Swiss bar tells us about fire prevention – https://theconversation.com/what-the-new-years-fire-at-a-swiss-bar-tells-us-about-fire-prevention-272777

January 5, 2026

A regime change in Venezuela could have grim consequences for Canada’s oil sector

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Philippe Le Billon, Professor, Geography Department and School of Public Policy & Global Affairs, University of British Columbia

Following Nicolás Maduro’s capture in Caracas by United States military forces, active planning for political transition in Venezuela has intensified in Washington, D.C.

For the U.S., the prize is the prospect of reviving one of the world’s largest proven oil reserves and reshaping global energy markets in its favour.

But the ripple effects would extend well beyond Caracas and the U.S. A Venezuelan oil revival could also subtly increase American leverage over Canada — particularly Alberta — through its impact on oil prices, investment flows and longstanding debates about Canada’s energy future.

At first glance, this may seem counterintuitive. Canada is traditionally a close American ally and its largest foreign oil supplier. Yet Canada and Venezuela largely compete in the same heavy-oil regional and global markets, and shifts in supply from Canada to Venezuela would widely reverberate across the Canadian economy and political landscape.

Heavy crude, lower prices and U.S. refineries

If U.S. sanctions on Venezuela are lifted and the country’s oil sector is partially revived, even a modest increase in production could have outsized effects on prices — especially for heavy crude. American Gulf Coast refineries are specifically configured to process heavy crude, historically sourced from Venezuela, Mexico and Canada’s oilsands.

More Venezuelan barrels on the market would increase competition for these refineries and possibly those in the American Midwest. This could push down the price premium currently enjoyed by Canadian heavy crude, such as Western Canadian Select.

For U.S. refiners, cheaper crude is good news. For Canadian producers, it could squeeze margins already vulnerable to global price volatility and high production costs.

In this sense, Venezuela’s return would not simply add supply; it would challenge Canada’s niche in the U.S. oil import market.

Investment trade-offs and the oilsands dilemma

Oil markets are not just about barrels — they’re about capital. Investors make choices about where to place long-term bets, and those choices are increasingly shaped by climate policies, energy transition expectations and geopolitical risk.

A perceived opening in Venezuela could redirect some international investments away from Alberta’s oilsands. Even if Venezuela remains risky, the idea of accessing vast reserves at lower costs may appeal to investors looking for short-term gains in a declining oil market.

This shift could further undermine already fragile (and climate-threatening) prospects for new oilsands expansion and make additional pipeline projects to Canada’s West Coast even harder to justify.

If global capital sees fewer long-term returns in high-cost, high-carbon oil, Alberta may find itself competing not just with renewables, but with other oil producers closer to U.S. markets. This could play in favour of an additional pipeline to Canada’s West Coast to reach China, which may not see so many shipments from Venezuela, especially if the U.S. pressures Caracas to privilege its own market and companies.

Economic pressure and the politics of separatism

Weaker oil revenues could also reshape Alberta politics. Much of the province’s separatist rhetoric has historically rested on the idea that Ottawa “takes” Alberta’s oil wealth through federal transfers and environmental regulations.

If oil revenues decline structurally due to lower prices and reduced investment, the economic foundation of this grievance weakens. A less oil-dependent Alberta may have fewer material incentives to push for sovereignty, even if political frustrations remain.

This doesn’t mean discontent would disappear. But it suggests that long-term changes in global energy markets could quietly reduce the appeal of resource-based nationalism in Canada’s West.

The urgent case for diversification

For Alberta and Canada more broadly, the lesson is clear: economic diversification is no longer optional; it’s an urgent necessity. Betting on sustained high oil prices has always been risky; betting on them in a world of messy energy transition is increasingly untenable.

This means doubling down on alternative export revenues, from clean technologies and critical minerals to advanced manufacturing, agri-food and knowledge-based services. It also means investing in workforce transitions, regional innovation and infrastructure that supports economic resilience beyond oil.

The prospect of Venezuela’s return to oil markets underscores why Canada cannot rely indefinitely on being the “safe” oil supplier to the United States.

A Venezuelan oil boom remains unlikely

All of this, however, rests on a big “if.” A rapid and large-scale revival of Venezuela’s oil sector is improbable. Years of mismanagement, underinvestment and sanctions have left infrastructure in poor condition.

Production costs are high, oil quality is low and the carbon footprint of Venezuelan heavy crude is significant, a growing liability in a carbon-constrained world.

What’s more, U.S. oil company interests don’t always align with American energy security and geopolitical policy objectives, and expectations of an oil surplus in the coming decades dampen enthusiasm for massive new investments.

Political uncertainty remains acute, and even American firms like Chevron operate under fragile arrangements that could be reversed. Though it’s unlikely, a more revolutionary, post-American intervention government in Venezuela might even seek retribution against the U.S. and other foreign companies seen as complicit in past pressure campaigns.

In short, Venezuela’s oil is vast, but monetizing it at scale is another matter.

Lessons from past regime change efforts

History offers sobering lessons about past efforts to bring about regime change.

In Iraq, Iran and Libya, attempts to reshape energy sectors through regime change or coercive pressure often backfired. Production disruptions, political instability and nationalist backlash frequently undermined both investor confidence and geopolitical objectives.

There are some reasons to assume Venezuela would be different, including ongoing negotiations between U.S. President Donald Trump’s administration and the regime in Caracas, limited economic and military options for the former Maduro regime and a growing consensus among major powers that they can gain from a return to imperialist “spheres of influence.”

But energy markets reward stability more than ideology, and regime change rarely delivers it quickly.

Who else loses from lower oil prices?

Finally, it’s worth noting that lower oil prices would not hurt Canada alone. In the U.S., the first casualties would likely be some oil producers, particularly smaller shale firms with high debt and thin margins. While a few large American oil companies might benefit from cheaper acquisitions and refinery gains through access to cheaper Venezuelan supply, many smaller U.S. producers could suffer.

This complicates the notion that the U.S. would unambiguously “win” in the event of a Venezuelan oil revival. Energy geopolitics creates winners and losers on all sides.

In the end, Venezuela’s political future may matter less for Canada because of what happens in Caracas and more because it highlights a deeper reality: oil no longer offers the geopolitical and fiscal certainty it once did. For Canada, adapting to that reality, rather than betting against it, may be the most strategic move of all.

Philippe Le Billon does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. A regime change in Venezuela could have grim consequences for Canada’s oil sector – https://theconversation.com/a-regime-change-in-venezuela-could-have-grim-consequences-for-canadas-oil-sector-272694

January 5, 2026

Dyslexic students have the right to read — and Manitoba has joined other provinces to address this

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Michael Baker, Sessional Lecturer, Faculty of Education, University of Manitoba

Disabled students continue to face barriers constructed and enforced by our schools. The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization estimates that, globally, children with disabilities are twice as likely to be denied access to education.

Students and their support networks, families, advocates and experts can no longer accept school systems that uphold inequality for the disabled community. Ableist barriers continue to impede the human rights of disabled students in Canada.

The Manitoba Human Rights Commission released the first phase of its report exploring the right to access evidence-based reading interventions in Manitoba’s public education system on Oct. 30, 2025.

The inquiry was initiated in 2022 after the commission continued to hear that students with reading disabilities were experiencing barriers to accessing timely reading interventions in their local public schools.

Related to this, the Manitoba government has passed Bill 225 to require universal early reading screenings for all kindergarten to Grade 4 students.

Upholding student rights

In a landmark 2012 case, the Supreme Court of Canada ruled that human rights laws in Canada protect every student’s right to an equal opportunity to learn to read.

The court’s Moore v. British Columbia (Education) decision affirmed that learning to read is not a privilege or luxury, but a basic and essential human right in Canada. The court said:

“Adequate special education … is not a dispensable luxury. For those with severe learning disabilities, it is the ramp that provides access to the statutory commitment to education made to all children.”

While this decision is celebrated as a significant step toward advancing the rights of students with disabilities, in the years since it was released, barriers continued to be reported. This led to the different respective special investigations in Manitoba, Saskatchewan and Ontario.

Important step in Manitoba

The recommendations from the October 2025 Manitoba report Supporting The Right to Read in Manitoba: The ABCs of a Rights-Based Approach to Teaching Reading are a first step in addressing the discrimination against children with reading disabilities in Manitoba’s public education system.

The report details how education is essential for unlocking opportunities, personal growth and allowing students to access their other fundamental rights, as well as promoting equality and belonging.

Reading is the foundation of learning and a fundamental skill that shapes every aspect of life. Students who cannot read well are more likely to face challenges in school, work and everyday life.

When students cannot access reading instruction, it affects their confidence, mental health and long-term opportunities.

Learning disabilities are the most prevalent disability in the K-12 education system, and reading disabilities are by far the most prevalent type of learning disability. Importantly, many prefer the term dyslexia over reading disability.

‘Attitudinal barriers’

The Manitoba Human Rights Commission found that “attitudinal barriers and stigma impacting the uptake and efficacy of accommodations” continue to maintain inequalities for the dyslexic community.

These attitudinal barriers amount to systemic ableism, a topic I have previously explored. Ableism is enacted and upheld by a system that harbours negative attitudes, stereotyping and discrimination towards people with disabilities.

Importantly, like other systems of oppression like racism and sexism, ableism continues to exist because of the combination of prejudice and power, particularly in schools.

One of the consistent findings of the Manitoba, Ontario and Saskatchewan Human Rights Commissions is the need to implement a universal early reading screening, as recently acknowledged by Manitoba legislation.

Such a tool allows educators to identify reading challenges as early as possible. This is a critical step in enabling earlier access to evidence-based interventions when they are most effective.

Reading and literacy approaches

Manitoba’s report also highlights issues around teacher education and practice, noting that:

“Some teachers do not understand accommodation principles, the role of clinicians in supporting accommodations, or have limited knowledge of reading disabilities, foundational reading skills or teaching reading through a direct, explicit and structured approach.”

Currently, some researchers or educators are concerned that a focus on phonics-based learning (an aspect of direct instruction in reading) and early screening could undermine children’s agency and critical thinking.

There are also concerns that an emphasis on direct instruction could risk ignoring important insights about children’s sociocultural contexts and situations.

Given the spectrum of abilities within Manitoba classrooms, multiple approaches to literacy should be implemented, providing inclusion and access.

Manitoba must provide access to reading interventions that provide structured literacy while honouring linguistic and cultural diversity, the Truth and Reconciliation Commissions Calls to Action — and are grounded in the five tenets of inclusive education: togetherness, belonging, affirmation, opportunity and agency.

Nothing about us, without us: Community voice

Across Canada and globally, the dyslexia community has initiated a “Right to Read” movement to advance the rights of children, both with and without dyslexia, to gain access to reading instruction and, more broadly, education.

Challenging power in any system of oppression is often met with resistance and defensiveness. Redressing ableism is no different.

Encouragingly, one Yukon First Nations school board reports tremendous success with students’ reading when implementing both sounding out words (phonics) — part of direct reading instruction — and embedding cultural values in teaching.

Canadian education systems must confront ableist processes, attitudes and practices if all children, including those with dyslexia, are able to realize the right to read. Our children are capable; we just need to provide them the opportunities and approaches that fit their needs.

This story was co-authored by Natalie Riediger, who has two children with dyslexia and is an associate professor, Department of Food and Human Nutritional Sciences, at the University of Manitoba.

Michael Baker does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Dyslexic students have the right to read — and Manitoba has joined other provinces to address this – https://theconversation.com/dyslexic-students-have-the-right-to-read-and-manitoba-has-joined-other-provinces-to-address-this-269854

January 5, 2026

How low can you go (and still build muscle)? Why strength training matters at any age

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Tom Janssen, PhD candidate, McMaster University

Getting out of a chair shouldn’t be a struggle. Yet for many older adults, simple everyday movements like this become increasingly difficult as our muscles break down and weaken with age, a process called sarcopenia. The consequences build quietly: trouble climbing stairs, more hospital visits and, eventually, losing the ability to live independently.

The encouraging news is that you do not need long workouts or heavy training to push back. Even modest amounts of strength training can meaningfully preserve muscle and maintain your ability to move with confidence.

Building a buffer

Being hospitalized or immobilized for short periods of time can have profound consequences for our muscles. During these short (around five days) and sometimes longer periods of inactivity and immobilization, we lose muscle and get weaker.

The bad news is that it’s hard to get that muscle and strength back, particularly as we age. Therefore, prevention is always better than a cure. However, sometimes accidents or illnesses just can’t be avoided. This is why we need to create a bit of a buffer or “muscle savings account.”

Here’s an uncomfortable truth: you will lose muscle during periods of immobilization, whether from illness, surgery or injury. The loss is inevitable. What’s not inevitable is whether you can afford that loss. If you’re already low on muscle mass, losing even a small amount can push you over the edge from independence to dependence. The same loss that barely affects someone with a larger amount of muscle can leave someone with less muscle unable to function independently.

This matters especially as we age, because older adults don’t bounce back the way younger people do. A 20-year-old loses muscle in the hospital and regains it within weeks. A 70-year-old might never get it back. That’s why building a buffer shouldn’t be thought of as optional; it’s essential insurance for your future independence.

Here’s how age-related muscle loss typically unfolds: it’s not a gentle slope but a staircase going down step by step. You’re stable for months or years, then something happens — a fall, a surgery, pneumonia — and you drop to a new, lower level. Then another incident, another drop. Each time you lose muscle, and never fully regain it.

Maybe you’ve seen this in your own family. “Everything changed after that fall.” “Dad was never the same after his knee surgery.” These stories share a common thread: insufficient muscle reserves meeting an inevitable health challenge.

The good news? This trajectory isn’t set in stone. The muscle you build now determines whether future setbacks become temporary obstacles or permanent limitations.

Maintaining strength

Physical activity, specifically strength training, is key to maintaining and increasing muscle mass and strength. Strength training refers to lifting weights, either dumbbells, workout machines or resistance bands.

Remaining physically active (walking, gardening and the like) as we age is crucial for our heart and brain health, and helps prevent the development of Type 2 diabetes. However, there are some unique and specific benefits to strength training.

Moving weights and other types of resistance training emphasizes the development of power and strength, which are crucial in daily activities like climbing stairs or lifting a heavy bag of groceries, and in reducing fall risk. Resistance training is irreplaceable in this respect.

Despite this, only 42 per cent of Canadians over age 65 follow strength training guidelines, a gap that leaves many vulnerable to the muscle loss that can make daily activities a struggle.

Heavy vs. lighter weights: can a little be enough?

Some people may be thinking, “Lifting heavy weights in a gym full of muscular young folks is just not for me, thanks.” But what if you don’t need to lift heavy weights to maintain or even gain muscle?

Our research and that of others consistently demonstrates that you don’t have to lift heavy weights to gain muscle and strength. Heavier weights offer a slight advantage for strength gains, but lighter weights work remarkably well, enough to make a real difference in your daily life.

A good indicator to know if a weight is heavy enough, is to see if you are fatigued after 20-25 repetitions. If you can do more then 25 repetitions you should probably go slightly heavier in weights. This weight will be different from person to person and from time to time.

Here’s encouraging news: Stuart Phillips’ exercise metabolism research group at McMaster University found that one weekly session of lighter-weight strength training builds both muscle and strength.

Yes, more sessions produce faster results, but the most important threshold isn’t between adequate and excellent; it’s between zero and one. A single weekly workout shifts you from declining muscle mass to actually gaining ground, building the buffer that safeguards independence as you age.

Keep in mind that a range of 20-25 repetitions is most likely an ideal range for lighter weight strength training. Anything lower than that might not have the same beneficial effects.

To maximize gains with lighter weights, you’ll eventually want to train to voluntary failure, which means until you physically can no longer complete the exercise with appropriate form.

But here’s what beginners need to hear: don’t worry about that just yet. Your first workout doesn’t need to be perfect or exhausting. It just needs to happen. As you build confidence and consistency, you can push harder. And making that first workout happen can be easier than you think. A basic set of dumbbells or resistance bands means you can begin today, at home, without a gym membership or intimidating equipment.

The bottom line is simple. One strength session per week beats zero. Lighter weights beat no weights. Starting imperfectly beats never starting at all. The muscle buffer you build now, however gradually, is insurance against the loss that comes with age and illness. Your future self, still climbing stairs and carrying groceries independently, will thank you for beginning today.

Matthew Lees is supported by a Canadian Institutes of Health Research (CIHR) Postdoctoral Fellowship award (Funding Reference Number 187773).

Tom Janssen does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. How low can you go (and still build muscle)? Why strength training matters at any age – https://theconversation.com/how-low-can-you-go-and-still-build-muscle-why-strength-training-matters-at-any-age-270938

January 4, 2026

Your new health habit may be just a mental shift away

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Mandi Baker, Assistant Professor, Faculty of Kinesiology and Recreation Management, University of Manitoba

The new year starts for many by making resolutions to live healthier lives. This can mean getting fitter by joining a gym, signing up to Pilates classes or starting a new diet.

For many, these resolutions are hard to maintain and the new habits slip away. Unfortunately, there are many reasons why our best intentions fail; the kids get sick so you can’t get out for a class, the costs of equipment or membership become too steep, and kale just isn’t cutting it for dinner anymore. In the end, motivation for our new habits runs out.

When we choose activities for our leisure that do not bring intrinsic enjoyment and/or satisfaction, we find it hard to preserve. External motivations, like gaining a reward (a particular body shape) or avoiding a consequence (minimizing the risks related to heart health), can only take us so far.

When we do things that we truly love, that are aligned with our values and/or sense of self, or we would do even if no one was watching, then the chances of maintaining those physical activities are much higher. That means the goal of resolution-setting is to find the things that tap into our intrinsic motivations.

How we frame health

Another challenge to sticking with new health-related habits, is the very individual way that health is framed. Health is positioned as being not only an individual’s responsibility, but that the individual is to blame if they are unwell. While the medical model serves a purpose in identifying problems and addressing them, applying a deficiency-model rationality obscures critical awareness about the complex and many ways that social factors impact health.

Social models of health, such as The Social Determinants of Health by Dahlgreen & Whitehead (1991), demonstrate that not only do our physiology, lifestyle choices, social and community networks matter, but socio-economic, cultural and environmental conditions do too. This shifts the responsibilities for health away from loading individuals up on guilt to shared collective responsibilities among all strata of community, government and institutions for a population’s health.

The notion that health is an individual problem, or deficiency, can be isolating, making the work of an individual’s wellness goals an effort that they feel they must do alone, and against broad systemic constraints.

Sociologists have long warned us of how these ideas, among others, lead us to think and treat ourselves poorly when it comes to moving our (fabulous and functional) bodies. Blaming ourselves or seeing physical activity, fitness and health as beyond our reach is both demoralizing and demotivating. Let alone added layers of social, economic, geographical and political inequities. This can be as heavy, if not heavier, than anything you might “lift” at the gym.

Getting physically active

Getting physically active for the first time, or after years, or only after the holidays means exercising your mental prowess. This list offers some insights into how to do the mental exercise to get your body moving and enjoying it:

Be in your body: be embodied. Often made popular by mindfulness movements, the idea is to slow down your sophisticated mental processing to focus on your five senses and simply be in the moment. This teaches our nervous systems to take a break from processing stressful stimulus.
Get active for no other reason than to enjoy yourself! Leisure theory tells us that seeking external rewards can make free time feel like work. Look for physical activity that brings you joy — make it the thing you look forward to rather than dread.
Focus on what your body can DO rather than how it looks. Views of beautiful, attractive or healthy bodies constantly change. Focusing on what your body can and does do (a strengths-based approach to vitality) can be a subtle yet powerful mental shift to improve your quality of life.
Find your activity people. Get active with people who share your philosophies about health. Find supportive people who don’t judge, who understand motivation’s ups and downs, who acknowledge that bodies come in different shapes and sizes AND that bodies are capable and beautiful things of joy.
Get outside. Science tells us that heart rates and worrying (anxiety, depression and rumination) come down when spending just a little time in nature. No need for remote corners of the Earth — just a walk down the street can make a big difference.

Engaging in physical activities that are joy-filled is not only a pleasure but can be a political act of hopefulness and self-respect. It acts to resist social norms about individuating discourses about health and associated assumptions of body shape, size and fitness.

Celebrating bodies in their diversity, getting out and enjoying movement, representing that healthy bodies are diverse and getting active with friends can all be political acts that celebrate countercultural ideas about health.

Movin’ and groovin’ with friends celebrates community and the value-altering, motivational shift of joy-filled embodiment and physical activity.
This subtle shift in thinking, and moving, could be the puzzle piece you’ve been missing for maintaining healthy habits.

Mandi Baker receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada and has received funding from summer camps organisations and government bodies such as the Departments of Jobs, Precincts and Regions in Victoria, Australia, the Australian Camps Association and the YMCA Camps Victoria, Australia. She is affiliated with the Canadian Camps Association, the American Camp Association and Outward Bound Vietnam.

– ref. Your new health habit may be just a mental shift away – https://theconversation.com/your-new-health-habit-may-be-just-a-mental-shift-away-271923