Un empereur romain à genoux devant un roi perse : que faut-il lire derrière la nouvelle statue dévoilée à Téhéran ?

Source: The Conversation – France (in French) – By Peter Edwell, Associate Professor in Ancient History, Macquarie University

La mise en scène d’un empereur romain défait et soumis à Shapur Ier n’est pas nouvelle : elle puise dans l’imagerie triomphale de l’Iran antique. Mais son apparition sur la place Enghelab, à Téhéran, intervient à un moment où le pouvoir cherche à exalter la résistance nationale.


Une nouvelle statue dévoilée ces derniers jours en Iran représente un empereur romain se soumettant à un roi perse. Érigée sur la place Enghelab à Téhéran, la statue intitulée À genoux devant l’Iran montre l’empereur se prosternant devant Shapur Ier (qui régna aux alentours de 242 à 270 de notre ère). Mais d’où vient cette imagerie ? Et pourquoi cette statue a-t-elle été érigée maintenant ?

L’ascension de Shapur

Au IIIᵉ siècle de notre ère, une nouvelle dynastie appelée les Sassanides prend le pouvoir dans l’Iran antique. En quelques années, le premier roi sassanide, Ardachir Ier, commence à menacer les territoires romains en Mésopotamie (dans les régions correspondant aujourd’hui à la Turquie, l’Irak et la Syrie). Les Romains avaient arraché ces terres aux Parthes, les prédécesseurs des Sassanides.

Ardachir entend désormais reconquérir une partie de ces territoires perdus. Il remporte quelques succès dans les années 230. Mais son fils et successeur, Shapur Ier, porte cette ambition à un tout autre niveau. Ce dernier défait une armée romaine venue l’envahir en 244, une victoire qui entraîne la mort du jeune empereur romain Gordien III.

Dans les années 250, Shapur lance une vaste offensive en territoire romain à travers l’Irak, la Syrie et la Turquie. Deux grandes armées romaines sont vaincues et des dizaines de villes tombent. En 253, il s’empare d’Antioche, l’une des cités les plus importantes de l’empire. Certains de ses habitants, se trouvant au théâtre au moment de la chute de la ville, s’enfuient terrorisés tandis que les flèches pleuvent sur la cité.

L’empereur fait prisonnier

Si la prise d’Antioche est une lourde défaite pour les Romains, l’événement qui marque un tournant se situe en 260. Après une bataille à Édesse (dans l’actuelle Turquie méridionale), l’empereur romain Valérien est capturé. C’est la première et unique fois dans l’histoire qu’un empereur romain tombe vivant aux mains de l’ennemi. Valérien est emmené en Perse, avec des milliers d’autres prisonniers.

Son sort fait naître, par la suite, quantité de récits. Selon l’un d’eux, Valérien et des soldats prisonniers auraient été contraints de construire un pont sur le fleuve Karoun, à Shushtar. Les vestiges de cet ouvrage, connu sous le nom de Band-e Qayṣar (« le pont de l’empereur »), sont encore visibles aujourd’hui.

Le Band-e Kaïsar, construit par les Romains à Shushtar, en Iran, aurait été édifié par des prisonniers romains durant le règne de Shapur Ier.
Les ruines du pont Band-e Qayṣar.
Ali Afghah/Wikimedia

Selon un autre récit, Shapur aurait exigé que Valérien se mette à quatre pattes pour servir de marchepied, afin que le roi perse puisse monter à cheval. Shapur aurait également ordonné qu’après sa mort, le le corps de Valérien soit conservé, empaillé et placé dans une armoire. Ainsi, l’humiliation était totale.

On érigea des représentations des victoires de Shapur sur Rome dans tout l’empire perse. Plusieurs bas-reliefs sculptés célébrant ces triomphes ont survécu jusqu’à aujourd’hui. Le plus célèbre se trouve sans doute à Bishapur, dans le sud de l’Iran, où Shapur fit construire un palais magnifique. On y voit Shapur richement vêtu et assis sur un cheval. Sous le cheval gît le corps de Gordien III. Derrière lui se tient le captif Valérien, retenu par la main droite de Shapur. La figure placée à l’avant représente l’empereur Philippe Iᵉʳ (qui régna de 244 à 249 apr. J.-C.), successeur de Gordien. Il implore la libération de l’armée romaine vaincue.

Shapur sur son cheval.
Shapur est assis sur son cheval, sous lequel gît le corps de Gordien III. Derrière lui se tient le captif Valérien.
Marco Prins via Livius, CC BY

Shapur fit également graver une immense inscription en trois langues, qui célébrait notamment ses victoires majeures sur les Romains. Connue aujourd’hui sous le nom de Res Gestae Divi Saporis, elle est encore visible à Naqsh-i Rustam, dans le sud de l’Iran.

Le grand empire romain avait été profondément humilié. Les Perses emportèrent d’immenses ressources mais aussi des spécialistes comme des bâtisseurs, des architectes et des artisans, issus des villes conquises. Certaines cités de l’empire perse furent même repeuplées avec ces captifs.

Une nouvelle statue célébrant une vieille victoire

La statue révélée à Téhéran semble s’inspirer directement d’un bas-relief commémoratif de Naqsh-i Rustam. La figure agenouillée est présentée, dans plusieurs médias, comme Valérien. Si elle est effectivement inspirée du bas-relief de Naqsh-i Rustam, cette figure agenouillée correspond plutôt à Philippe Iᵉʳ, Valérien y étant représenté debout devant Shapur. Néanmoins, les déclarations officielles affirment qu’il s’agit bien de Valérien, notamment celle de Mehdi Mazhabi, directeur de l’Organisation municipale de l’embellissement de Téhéran, consignée dans un rapport :

La statue de Valérien reflète une vérité historique : l’Iran a toujours été une terre de résistance au fil des siècles […] En installant ce projet sur la place Enghelab, nous voulons créer un lien entre le passé glorieux de cette terre et son présent porteur d’espoir.

Les grandes victoires de Shapur sur les Romains restent une source de fierté nationale en Iran. La statue a ainsi été décrite comme un symbole de défi national après le bombardement par les États-Unis des installations nucléaires iraniennes en juin.

Bien que ces victoires sassanides remontent à plus de 1 700 ans, l’Iran continue de les célébrer. La statue s’adresse clairement au peuple iranien, dans la foulée des attaques américaines. Reste à savoir si elle constitue également un avertissement adressé à l’Occident.

The Conversation

Peter Edwell a reçu des financements de l’Australian Research Council.

ref. Un empereur romain à genoux devant un roi perse : que faut-il lire derrière la nouvelle statue dévoilée à Téhéran ? – https://theconversation.com/un-empereur-romain-a-genoux-devant-un-roi-perse-que-faut-il-lire-derriere-la-nouvelle-statue-devoilee-a-teheran-269733

Why the chemtrail conspiracy theory lingers and grows – and why Tucker Carlson is talking about it

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Calum Lister Matheson, Associate Professor of Communication, University of Pittsburgh

Contrails have a simple explanation, but not everyone wants to believe it. AP Photo/Carolyn Kaster

Everyone has looked up at the clouds and seen faces, animals, objects. Human brains are hardwired for this kind of whimsy. But some people – perhaps a surprising number – look to the sky and see government plots and wicked deeds written there. Conspiracy theorists say that contrails – long streaks of condensation left by aircraft – are actually chemtrails, clouds of chemical or biological agents dumped on the unsuspecting public for nefarious purposes. Different motives are ascribed, from weather control to mass poisoning.

The chemtrails theory has circulated since 1996, when conspiracy theorists misinterpreted a U.S. Air Force research paper about weather modification, a valid topic of research. Social media and conservative news outlets have since magnified the conspiracy theory. One recent study notes that X, formerly Twitter, is a particularly active node of this “broad online community of conspiracy.”

I’m a communications researcher who studies conspiracy theories. The thoroughly debunked chemtrails theory provides a textbook example of how conspiracy theories work.

Boosted into the stratosphere

Conservative pundit Tucker Carlson, whose podcast averages over a million viewers per episode, recently interviewed Dane Wigington, a longtime opponent of what he calls “geoengineering.” While the interview has been extensively discredited and mocked in other media coverage, it is only one example of the spike in chemtrail belief.

Although chemtrail belief spans the political spectrum, it is particularly evident in Republican circles. U.S. Secretary of Health and Human Services Robert F. Kennedy Jr. has professed his support for the theory. U.S. Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene of Georgia has written legislation to ban chemical weather control, and many state legislatures have done the same.

Online influencers with millions of followers have promoted what was once a fringe theory to a large audience. It finds a ready audience among climate change deniers and anti-deep state agitators who fear government mind control.

Heads I win, tails you lose

Although research on weather modification is real, the overwhelming majority of qualified experts deny that the chemtrail theory has any solid basis in fact. For example, geoengineering researcher David Keith’s lab posted a blunt statement on its website. A wealth of other resources exist online, and many of their conclusions are posted at contrailscience.com.

But even without a deep dive into the science, the chemtrail theory has glaring logical problems. Two of them are falsifiability and parsimony.

The philosopher Karl Popper explains that unless your conjecture can be proved false, it lies outside the realm of science.

According to psychologist Rob Brotherton, conspiracy theories have a classic “heads I win, tails you lose” structure. Conspiracy theorists say that chemtrails are part of a nefarious government plot, but its existence has been covered up by the same villains. If there was any evidence that weather modification was actually happening, that would support the theory, but any evidence denying chemtrails also supports the theory – specifically, the part that alleges a cover-up.

People who subscribe to the conspiracy theory consider anyone who confirms it to be a brave whistleblower and anyone who denies it to be foolish, evil or paid off. Therefore, no amount of information could even hypothetically disprove it for true believers. This denial makes the theory nonfalsifiable, meaning it’s impossible to disprove. By contrast, good theories are not false, but they must also be constructed in such a way that if they were false, evidence could show that.

Nonfalsifiable theories are inherently suspect because they exist in a closed loop of self-confirmation. In practice, theories are not usually declared “false” based on a single test but are taken more or less seriously based on the preponderance of good evidence and scientific consensus. This approach is important because conspiracy theories and disinformation often claim to falsify mainstream theories, or at least exploit a poor understanding of what certainty means in scientific methods.

Like most conspiracy theories, the chemtrail story tends not to meet the criteria of parsimony, also known as Occam’s razor, which suggests that the more suppositions a theory requires to be true, the less likely it actually is. While not perfect, this concept can be an important way to think about probability when it comes to conspiracy theories. Is it more likely that the government is covering up a massive weather program, mind-control program or both that involve thousands or millions of silent, complicit agents, from the local weather reporter to the Joint Chiefs of Staff, or that we’re seeing ice crystals from plane engines?

Of course, calling something a “conspiracy theory” does not automatically invalidate it. After all, real conspiracies do exist. But it’s important to remember scientist and science communicator Carl Sagan’s adage that “extraordinary claims require extraordinary evidence.” In the case of chemtrails, the evidence just isn’t there.

Scientists explain how humans are susceptible to believing conspiracy theories.

Psychology of conspiracy theory belief

If the evidence against it is so powerful and the logic is so weak, why do people believe the chemtrail conspiracy theory? As I have argued in my new book, “Post-Weird: Fragmentation, Community, and the Decline of the Mainstream,” conspiracy theorists create bonds with each other through shared practices of interpreting the world, seeing every detail and scrap of evidence as unshakable signs of a larger, hidden meaning.

Uncertainty, ambiguity and chaos can be overwhelming. Conspiracy theories are symptoms, ad hoc attempts to deal with the anxiety caused by feelings of powerlessness in a chaotic and complicated world where awful things like tornadoes, hurricanes and wildfires can happen seemingly at random for reasons that even well-informed people struggle to understand. When people feel overwhelmed and helpless, they create fantasies that give an illusion of mastery and control.

Although there are liberal chemtrail believers, aversion to uncertainty might explain why the theory has become so popular with Carlson’s audience: Researchers have long argued that authoritarian, right-wing beliefs have a similar underlying structure.

On some level, chemtrail theorists would rather be targets of an evil conspiracy than face the limits of their knowledge and power, even though conspiracy beliefs are not completely satisfying. Sigmund Freud described a fort-da (“gone-here”) game played by his grandson where he threw away a toy and dragged it back on a string, something Freud interpreted as a simulation of control when the child had none. Conspiracy theories may serve a similar purpose, allowing their believers to feel that the world isn’t really random and that they, the ones who see through the charade, really have some control over it. The grander the conspiracy, the more brilliant and heroic the conspiracy theorists must be.

Conspiracies are dramatic and exciting, with clear lines of good and evil, whereas real life is boring and sometimes scary. The chemtrail theory is ultimately prideful. It’s a way for theorists to feel powerful and smart when they face things beyond their comprehension and control. Conspiracy theories come and go, but responding to them in the long term means finding better ways to embrace uncertainty, ambiguity and our own limits alongside a new embrace of the tools we do have: logic, evidence and even humility.

The Conversation

Calum Lister Matheson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Why the chemtrail conspiracy theory lingers and grows – and why Tucker Carlson is talking about it – https://theconversation.com/why-the-chemtrail-conspiracy-theory-lingers-and-grows-and-why-tucker-carlson-is-talking-about-it-269770

Gripe H5N1: si yo fuera pato, estaría muy asustado

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Ignacio López-Goñi, Catedrático de Microbiología. Miembro de la Sociedad Española de Microbiología (SEM), Universidad de Navarra

El pasado jueves 13 de noviembre, el Ministerio de Agricultura, Pesca y Alimentación de España decretó el confinamiento de todas granjas de aves de corral que se crían al aire libre para frenar la expansión de la gripe aviar, causada por el virus H5N1. La justificación de una medida tan drástica, que ya se ha tomado en otras ocasiones, se basa en el aumento de los focos de la infección en Europa y el incremento del riesgo por la migración de aves silvestres en Europa.

Este tipo de noticias producen una entendible alarma en la opinión pública, pero ¿ha aumentado el riesgo de que el virus H5N1 desencadene una pandemia entre la población humana? ¿Por qué está causando cada vez más estragos no solo entre las aves, sino también entre muchas especies de mamíferos?

Campeones de la variabilidad

Los virus de la gripe son los campeones de la variabilidad. Existen cuatro géneros (A, B, C y D) y muchos tipos distintos.

Los del género A son los que más importancia tienen para la salud humana y animal, y todos ellos derivan ancestralmente de virus de aves. El virus de la gripe A tiene dos proteínas esenciales en su envoltura: la hemaglutinina (H) y la neuraminidasa (N). Existen 18 tipos de H y 11 de N, que se pueden encontrar en cualquier combinación: H1N1, H1N2… y así sucesivamente hasta H18N11. Además, dentro de cada modalidad existe una considerable diversidad genética, por lo que cepas pertenecientes a un mismo tipo pueden diferir en capacidad de enfermar, rango de hospedador, transmisibilidad, etc.

La pandemia de gripe A H5N1

El virus H5N1 es un tipo de virus de la gripe A altamente patógeno y con una elevada tasa de mortalidad entre las aves. Las especies silvestres, y especialmente las de ambientes acuáticos, constituyen el reservorio natural.

El H5N1 fue detectado por primera vez en gansos domésticos en China en 1997, y desde entonces se ha extendido ampliamente por varios continentes a través de las aves migratorias, diversificándose en distintos grupos o clados genéticos. El virus se ha ido propagando en gran cantidad de especies de aves y mamíferos por todo el planeta y está causando una auténtica pandemia en el mundo animal, lo que se denomina panzootía.

Impacto devastador en aves

En 2020 surgió el clado denominado 2.3.4.4b, que llegó a América del Norte a finales de 2021. Los virus H5N1 pertenecientes a este clado han sido capaces de replicarse masivamente en aves silvestres y de corral, en más de 380 especies de aves distintas pertenecientes a 52 familias y 25 órdenes. El impacto sobre estos animales ha sido enorme en muchos países: ascienden a millones los ejemplares que han muerto por este patógeno en los últimos años. Por ejemplo, se calcula que el virus provocó en menos de cinco meses la muerte de aproximadamente el 40 % de todos los pelícanos de Perú.

Enorme extensión geográfica

Los virus de la gripe aviar suelen tener un patrón estacional asociado a los meses fríos, como ocurre con la gripe humana. Sin embargo, desde 2020 el H5N1 también aparece durante la primavera y el verano. Esto ha contribuido a su enorme expansión geográfica; de hecho, ya está presente en todos los continentes excepto en Oceanía.

Tras provocar miles de brotes en Europa, el virus H5N1 fue capaz de cruzar el océano Atlántico a finales de 2021 y llegar hasta Norteamérica, causando estragos en el sector avícola y en las aves silvestres en Canadá, Estados Unidos y México. Desde allí, el patógeno se extendió por toda Latinoamérica, desde Perú hasta Chile y Argentina. En 2024 se detectó en varias especies de aves en la Antártida.

El salto a mamíferos

Uno de los cambios que más ha preocupado es la capacidad del virus H5N1 de infectar a distintos mamíferos, tanto silvestres como domésticos (perros y gatos). Desde 2021, ha saltado a más de 50 especies, desde osos, nutrias o mofetas hasta elefantes marinos, delfines y morsas. En algunos casos con gran virulencia: en el continente americano han muerto decenas de miles de leones y elefantes marinos, por ejemplo.

Además, el virus ha evolucionado y se ha adaptado a estos nuevos hospedadores y es capaz de transmitirse entre ellos, como se ha demostrado en elefantes marinos o en granjas peleteras en Europa.

En los animales, el virus H5N1 suele causar distintos síntomas, desde neumonía y meningoencefalitis hasta signos neurológicos como temblores, convulsiones y ataxia. Se ha descrito la presencia de altas cargas virales en el cerebro de algunas especies.

El H5N1 en el ganado vacuno en Estados Unidos

A finales de marzo de 2024, se informó en Estados Unidos del primer caso de infección de H5N1 2.3.4.4b en vacas lecheras, un reservorio del virus totalmente inesperado.

Este salto al ganado vacuno representa un cambio significativo en el comportamiento del virus, ya que mostró una nueva capacidad de multiplicarse en el tejido mamario, con altas cargas virales detectadas en la leche. Esto revela su adaptación a hospedadores mamíferos y destaca su potencial de transmisión zoonótica al ser humano. Los análisis genómicos identificaron nuevas mutaciones que aumentan la capacidad de unión del virus a los receptores de las células de los mamíferos y facilitan su propagación.

Por qué este salto del virus H5N1 al ganado vacuno solo se ha detectado en Estados Unidos y no en otros países, es todavía un misterio.

H5N1 en humanos

A pesar de la extensión del virus H5N1 en animales y de la exposición al ser humano, se han notificado relativamente pocas infecciones en personas hasta la fecha. Desde que se detectó por primera vez en China solo se han descrito alrededor de 900 casos, la inmensa mayoría en individuos que trabajan en granjas avícolas o manipulan aves. Aunque la letalidad del virus en humanos puede llegar al 50 %, la mayoría de los casos notificados en los últimos años son leves.

Los datos actuales indican que estos virus no han adquirido la capacidad para una transmisión sostenida entre personas, por lo que el riesgo para la población general sigue siendo bajo.

¿La próxima pandemia humana?

Sin embargo, no cabe duda de que el virus H5N1 supone una amenaza también para nuestra especie. Para que este virus acabe siendo pandémico debería sufrir varios cambios. Debería mejorar su capacidad de transmitirse por vía aérea entre humanos y de unirse a los receptores de las células humanas. Pero, además, debería mejorar su capacidad de entrar en el interior de nuestras células y poder multiplicarse en ellas. Por último, debería ser capaz de evadir nuestro sistema inmunitario.

Que se produzca la combinación correcta de todas estas mutaciones es difícil… pero no es imposible. El virus de la gripe es el campeón de la variabilidad, la mutación y la recombinación. Otros virus de la gripe han sido los responsables de las grandes pandemias del siglo XX. La masiva circulación mundial del virus H5N1 en el mundo animal es una mala noticia.

Para preservar la salud humana es esencial vigilar lo que ocurre en el mundo animal. Por eso, la estrategia es One Health: mejorar la bioseguridad en las granjas, intensificar la vigilancia veterinaria no solo en aves de corral sino también en ganado vacuno y porcino y promover la coordinación efectiva entre los sectores de salud pública y sanidad animal a través de un enfoque colaborativo. No estamos ante una nueva pandemia, pero el virus H5N1 cada vez está más cerca.

The Conversation

Ignacio López-Goñi no recibe salario, ni ejerce labores de consultoría, ni posee acciones, ni recibe financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y ha declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado.

ref. Gripe H5N1: si yo fuera pato, estaría muy asustado – https://theconversation.com/gripe-h5n1-si-yo-fuera-pato-estaria-muy-asustado-269821

Blue Origin’s New Glenn rocket landed its booster on a barge at sea – an achievement that will broaden the commercial spaceflight market

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Wendy Whitman Cobb, Professor of Strategy and Security Studies, Air University

Blue Origin’s New Glenn rocket lifted off for its second orbital flight on Nov. 13, 2025. AP Photo/John Raoux

Blue Origin’s New Glenn rocket successfully made its way to orbit for the second time on Nov. 13, 2025. Although the second launch is never as flashy as the first, this mission is still significant in several ways.

For one, it launched a pair of NASA spacecraft named ESCAPADE, which are headed to Mars orbit to study that planet’s magnetic environment and atmosphere. The twin spacecraft will first travel to a Lagrange point, a place where the gravity between Earth, the Moon and the Sun balances. The ESCAPADE spacecraft will remain there until Mars is in better alignment to travel to.

And two, importantly for Blue Origin, New Glenn’s first stage booster successfully returned to Earth and landed on a barge at sea. This landing allows the booster to be reused, substantially reducing the cost to get to space.

Blue Origin launched its New Glenn rocket and landed the booster on a barge at sea on Nov. 13, 2025.

As a space policy expert, I see this launch as a positive development for the commercial space industry. Even though SpaceX has pioneered this form of launch and reuse, New Glenn’s capabilities are just as important.

New Glenn in context

Although Blue Origin would seem to be following in SpaceX’s footsteps with New Glenn, there are significant differences between the two companies and their rockets.

For most launches today, the rocket consists of several parts. The first stage helps propel the rocket and its spacecraft toward space and then drops away when its fuel is used up. A second stage then takes over, propelling the payload all the way to orbit.

While both New Glenn and Falcon Heavy, SpaceX’s most powerful rocket currently available, are partially reusable, New Glenn is taller, more powerful and can carry a greater amount of payload to orbit.

Blue Origin plans to use New Glenn for a variety of missions for customers such as NASA, Amazon and others. These will include missions to Earth’s orbit and eventually to the Moon to support Blue Origin’s own lunar and space exploration goals, as well as NASA’s.

NASA’s Artemis program, which endeavors to return humans to the Moon, is where New Glenn may become important. In the past several months, several space policy leaders, as well as NASA officials, have expressed concern that Artemis is progressing too slowly. If Artemis stagnates, China may have the opportunity to leap ahead and beat NASA and its partners to the lunar south pole.

These concerns stem from problems with two rockets that could potentially bring Americans back to the Moon: the space launch system and SpaceX’s Starship. NASA’s space launch system, which will launch astronauts on its Orion crew vehicle, has been criticized as too complex and costly. SpaceX’s Starship is important because NASA plans to use it to land humans on the Moon during the Artemis III mission. But its development has been much slower than anticipated.

In response, Blue Origin has detailed some of its lunar exploration plans. They will begin with the launch of its uncrewed lunar lander, Blue Moon, early next year. The company is also developing a crewed version of Blue Moon that it will use on the Artemis V mission, the planned third lunar landing of humans.

Blue Origin officials have said they are in discussions with NASA over how they might help accelerate the Artemis program.

New Glenn’s significance

New Glenn’s booster landing makes this most recent launch quite significant for the company. While it took SpaceX several tries to land its first booster, Blue Origin has achieved this feat on only the second try. Landing the boosters – and, more importantly, reusing them – has been key to reducing the cost to get to space for SpaceX, as well as others such as Rocket Lab.

That two commercial space companies now have orbital rockets that can be partially reused shows that SpaceX’s success was no fluke.

With this accomplishment, Blue Origin has been able to build on its previous experience and success with its suborbital rocket, New Shepard. Launching from Blue Origin facilities in Texas since 2015, New Shepard has taken people and cargo to the edge of space, before returning to its launch site under its own power.

A short, wide rocket lifts off from a launchpad.
Blue Origin’s suborbital rocket, New Shepard.
Joe Raedle/Getty Images

New Glenn is also significant for the larger commercial space industry and U.S. space capabilities. It represents real competition for SpaceX, especially its Starship rocket. It also provides more launch options for NASA, the U.S. government and other commercial customers, reducing reliance on SpaceX or any other launch company.

In the meantime, Blue Origin is looking to build on the success of New Glenn’s launch and its booster landing. New Glenn will next launch Blue Origin’s Blue Moon uncrewed lander in early 2026.

This second successful New Glenn launch will also contribute to the rocket’s certification for national security space launches. This accomplishment will allow the company to compete for contracts to launch sensitive reconnaissance and defense satellites for the U.S. government.

Blue Origin will also need to increase its number of launches and reduce the time between them to compete with SpaceX. SpaceX is on pace for between 165 and 170 launches in 2025 alone. While Blue Origin may not be able to achieve that remarkable cadence, to truly build on New Glenn’s success it will need to show it can scale up its launch operations.

The Conversation

Wendy Whitman Cobb is affiliated with the US School of Advanced Air and Space Studies. Her views are her own and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Department of Defense or any of its components. Mention of trade names, commercial products, or organizations do not imply endorsement by the U.S. Government, and the appearance of external hyperlinks does not constitute DoD endorsement of the linked websites, or the information, products or services therein.

ref. Blue Origin’s New Glenn rocket landed its booster on a barge at sea – an achievement that will broaden the commercial spaceflight market – https://theconversation.com/blue-origins-new-glenn-rocket-landed-its-booster-on-a-barge-at-sea-an-achievement-that-will-broaden-the-commercial-spaceflight-market-269786

Different ‘breeds’ of dog started emerging more than 10,000 years ago

Source: Radio New Zealand

Dogs — in their many shapes and sizes — are considered one of the most diverse species of animals on the planet.

Most of these breeds are thought to have emerged during the 19th-century Victorian era.

But a new paper, published this week in the journal Science, suggests that about half of the vast diversity in dogs we see today was evident by the middle of the Stone Age.

A young woman hugs a brown dog with its tongue out.

Dog breeding by humans has created one of the most diverse species of animal on the planet. (

Wade Austin Ellis

Your dog can read your mind – sort of

A team of researchers across Europe analysed hundreds of dog and wolf skulls spanning the past 50,000 years to track how the animals first emerged.

This evolution might be tied to the animal’s domestication, says Carly Ameen, the study’s co-lead researcher and a bioarchaeologist at the University of Exeter.

“We found that dogs were already remarkably diverse in their skull shapes and sizes more than 11,000 years ago,” Dr Ameen said.

“This means much of the physical diversity we associate with modern breeds actually has very deep roots, emerging soon after domestication.”

Evolving from wolves to dogs

While dogs have been human companions for thousands of years, untangling exactly when our furry friends went from wolves to domestic animals is difficult to do.

Timelines using different scientific techniques to determine when this evolutionary transition occurred don’t match up.

Genetic evidence shows dogs diverged from wolves about 11,000 years ago, but much older fossils suggest the first dogs roamed around as early as 35,000 years ago.

A computer drawing of four skulls.

Modern dogs (pink) and modern wolves (green), have subtle changes in their morphology.

C Brassard / VetAgro Sup / Mecadev

To examine their evolution in a different way, the researchers took 643 skulls of ancient wolves and dogs, and made 3D scans of them to analyse how their shapes changed over time and place.

These subtle shape changes provide clearer evidence of when wolves became dogs, but also of how dogs diversified into the modern era, the researchers said.

Using these 3D models, they found a distinctive dog-like skull shape emerged around 11,000 years ago, which lines up with genetic evidence.

But the models also showed a surprising amount of diversity among ancient dogs across Europe.

“While we don’t see some of the most extreme forms of skull shape that we see today — like pugs or bull terriers — the variation we see by the [middle of the Stone Age] is already half the total amount of variation we see in modern breeds,” Dr Ameen said.

“But for those features to develop, domestication must have started much earlier.”

While the research suggests a large amount of diversity existed as early as the Stone Age, many of the dogs we keep as pets today emerged during the 19th century, when intensive breeding produced speciality animals for fights and shows.

Early humans moved with dogs

Melanie Fillios, an anthropological archaeologist at the University of New England, said the study’s findings — including that almost half the variation in dogs occurred long before the Victorian era — suggested humans weren’t the sole cause of breed diversity.

“There’s all this variability 11,000 years ago, but we’re not sure why,” Professor Fillios, who was not involved in the paper, said.

“Humans have had a hand in it … but there’s also part of the story that may not have been humans.”

A long pale skull sits on a round surface.

A modern dog skull used in a study to track changes in early dogs.

C Ameen / University of Exeter

According to Dr Ameen, the environment may also have shaped the earliest varieties of dogs.

“Some [dogs] lived with mobile hunter-gatherers in cold northern environments, others with groups in temperate forests or early farming communities,” she said.

“Each context brought different demands — for hunting, guarding, or companionship — and that variation likely shaped dogs’ morphology and evolution from the very beginning.”

A brown skull with yellow teeth sits on a round surface.

An archaeological canid skull used in a study to track changes in early dogs.

C Ameen / University of Exeter

A second study, also published today in Science, pushes this idea further, suggesting that dogs likely moved with humans as they began migrating around the globe about 11,000 years ago after the last glacial period ended.

The study’s authors noted that dogs were occasionally traded among populations, which might mean they were important for culture and potentially even trading between groups.

“There’s all of these factors coming together around this time period… You’re getting this giant melting pot,” Professor Fillios said.

Dingoes don’t fit the mould

While Professor Fillios said the study brought together “a lot of information for the first time”, it left plenty of questions still unanswered.

“It’s another piece of the puzzle… but it doesn’t solve the question of dog domestication or human intervention in that process.”

She also noted that studies like this struggled to explain the emergence of species such as dingoes, which occur on an evolutionary “side branch”.

A young dingo looks at the camera.

Dingos have been in Australia for an estimated 3,500 to 8,000 years.

Alex Gisby

It’s unknown how long dingoes have been in Australia, but estimates suggest somewhere between 3,500 and 8,000 years ago.

“It would be a really nice story if all this [dog] diversity … corresponds with genetic evidence, and people moving around the world,” she said.

But when it comes to dingoes, this timeline didn’t work, she said.

“There is no relationship between dingoes and these other branches that came to be the domestic village dogs and Asian and European dogs that we see today.”

For both Dr Ameen and Professor Fillios, more research is needed to understand how dogs first became our companions.

“Dogs were the first species we ever domesticated, and they’ve been evolving with us ever since,” Dr Ameen said.

“While dogs are among the most studied domestic species… a lot remains to be discovered.”

– Published by EveningReport.nz and AsiaPacificReport.nz, see: MIL OSI in partnership with Radio New Zealand

How I found an unexpected connection to science in the works of Iris Murdoch – by a molecular biophysicist

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Rivka Isaacson, Professor of Molecular Biophysics, King’s College London

When I first began appropriating the plots of British-Irish novelist Iris Murdoch’s novels to explain scientific concepts, I never stopped to think about whether Murdoch herself would have approved of such an endeavour.

As a professor of molecular biophysics, I find that in both scientific research and all aspects of life, there can be great advantage in thinking differently. I’ve recently given some sessions on this at the Physics of Life summer school, and the fun, ideas and feedback were beyond my wildest dreams – especially as I’d been encouraged to conceal this side of myself as a young scientist.

Back in the 1990s, I did my PhD on protein folding – a conundrum underpinning all biology which has challenged scientists for decades. I wrote about it for The Conversation when a breakthrough won the Nobel prize in chemistry in 2024.

At its heart is a question of competing energies: entropic forces, which motivate a protein and its surrounding medium to move as freely as possible, versus enthalpic, in which positive charges gravitate towards negative charges and things with oily properties congregate. Protein folding is driven by finding the best balance in a three-dimensional shape to satisfy as many of these forces as possible.

An early book by the Booker-winning author A.S. Byatt, Degrees of Freedom, examines the power structures and layers of control that drive Murdoch novels. It’s a comparable scenario to protein folding: the compromise between many clashing forces.

When Degrees of Freedom first came out in 1965, Murdoch had published nine novels. The book was reissued in 1994 with additional material, when only Murdoch’s final novel, Jackson’s Dilemma – written when Alzheimer’s disease was just beginning to invade her beautiful mind – had yet to emerge.

Reading Murdoch’s 1975 novel A Word Child in 2003, I was struck by the helix-shaped nature of the plot, with London Underground’s Circle Line platform pubs at Sloane Square and Liverpool Street acting as points of vulnerability. I immediately turned to Byatt’s book to see whether her analysis matched my own.

In finding there was no chapter on A Word Child, I trawled the internet and discovered the Iris Murdoch Society, which one could join for the princely sum of £5. Signing up at that time required emailing Anne Rowe at Kingston University, and I couldn’t resist explaining my thoughts on A Word Child and the molecular mechanisms underpinning Alzheimer’s disease. She invited me to submit an abstract to a conference – and from then on, I was hooked.

So far, I’ve used ten out of Murdoch’s 26 novels to illustrate topics as broad as alcoholism and its effect on the liver, sex hormone signalling, evolution, molecular crowding and electron microscopy. While I’m not in any immediate danger of running out of Murdoch material, the recent publication of Poems from an Attic, a collection assembled from material found in her Oxford home many years after her death, adds a glorious new angle to my exploits.

While Murdoch is obsessed with nature – wild swimming, the changing seasons, flora, fauna and the meditative effects of being outdoors – she often speculates in her poems as to why things are as they are, which is an undeniably scientific way of thinking. There are examples of this in many of the poems, whatever their topic.

The word science occurs three times in the new volume – the first in the poem To B, who brought me two candles as a present (B was Murdoch’s lover, Brigid Brophy):

What you require of me no science gives –

To make these fires constant but not consumed.

What blazes every moment when it lives

Has eaten its own substance as it bloomed.

Yet though they burn not all the evening through,

While they are burning each to each is true.

This provides a satisfying analogy to justify sustaining Murdoch’s simultaneous passions. It invokes the same fuel-based resignation as American poet Edna St Vincent Millay’s First Fig:

My candle burns at both ends;

It will not last the night;

But ah, my foes, and oh, my friends

It gives a lovely light!

The other two mentions of science in the new collection appear in You by Telephone – in which Murdoch muses over the changes, both positive and negative, that the invention of the phone had on the practicalities of relationships:

For I cannot close with kisses the lips that may speak me daggers,

Nor give you a gentle answer just by taking your hand.

The poem also includes this delightful digression:

In spite of the case of Odysseus, who might have got home much sooner

If at the start he could have dialled Ithaca one.

But he might have offended Hermes, that rival tele-communer,

And science would have precluded a lot of Homer’s fun.

I am relieved Murdoch didn’t have to grapple with smart phones, social media and today’s attention spans. Years ago, I scoured her archive for thoughts on science, which were mostly touched upon in correspondence, and her entertaining annotations of The Question Concerning Technology and Other Essays by Martin Heidegger, and The Tao of Physics by Fritjof Capra.

Murdoch was certainly interested in science, albeit with a healthy dose of scepticism, while being alarmed at its pace of development. I like to fantasise that I could have talked her down.

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The Conversation

Rivka Isaacson receives funding from the UK Research and Innovation Biotechnology and Biological Sciences Research Council.

ref. How I found an unexpected connection to science in the works of Iris Murdoch – by a molecular biophysicist – https://theconversation.com/how-i-found-an-unexpected-connection-to-science-in-the-works-of-iris-murdoch-by-a-molecular-biophysicist-269580

How climate cooperation turned into a global race for green power

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Rahmat Poudineh, Honorary Research Associate, Oxford Sustainable Finance Group, University of Oxford

shutterstock Piyaset / shutterstock

Nearly a decade after the Paris agreement, the world is emitting more greenhouse gases than ever. Global emissions reached a record 53 billion tonnes in 2024 – about 10% higher than in 2015, when the deal was signed. Despite near-universal participation, the international effort to cut emissions is failing.

The Paris system, built on voluntary pledges, has turned into more of a reporting exercise than a coordination mechanism.

Even if all countries’ pledges were fully implemented, global emissions would be only 2.6% lower than 2019 levels by 2030 (versus 43% required).

Paris succeeded in creating a shared language of ambition and reporting, but not in enforcing collective compliance. It now functions less as a steering mechanism and more as a global scoreboard, showing who is ahead or behind. The absence of binding rules made universal participation possible – but also removed incentives to stay on course.

Emissions within acceptable limits

The world is entering the age of “managed emissions” – an era of containment, not cure. Instead of eliminating greenhouse gases, governments are learning to live with them, keeping pollution within politically acceptable limits.

Deep decarbonisation is being pushed further into the future, perhaps the 2060s or 2070s. Each revision of global scenarios quietly redefines delay as progress.

Car traffic from above
To be managed – not eliminated.
JKVisuals / shutterstock

Climate policy as industrial strategy

The erosion of cooperation hasn’t led to inaction. Instead, it has sparked a new kind of race: competitive decarbonisation.

Major economies are cutting emissions mainly to strengthen energy security, secure industrial advantage, and expand geopolitical influence. Clean-energy investment reached around US$2.2 trillion in 2024, mostly concentrated in China, the EU, and North America. Climate action is now shaped more by a desire to promote key industries than by multilateral coordination.

A new industrial climate regime has emerged where success is measured by national market share in clean technologies, not by collective progress toward global goals.

This shift is also geopolitical. The rivalry between the US and China has spilled into climate policy, with each using green leadership to project influence and set global standards. Competition over clean technologies has encouraged export restrictions and trade disputes, stifling open collaboration.

The race for critical minerals adds another layer. These resources are essential for renewable technologies, and nations are moving from cooperation to resource nationalism, securing supplies by forming strategic partnerships and investing heavily in domestic mining.

At home, governments are tailoring climate policies to domestic interests. Action on climate is now tied to industrial jobs, competitiveness, and voter expectations.

Protecting economies, not the planet

To prevent “carbon leakage” – where companies relocate to countries with weaker rules – rich nations are introducing trade measures such as carbon border adjustments. These policies aim to protect national industries while maintaining environmental standards, but they also risk deepening global divides.

Developing countries argue that wealthy nations have failed to deliver on climate finance and technology transfer, promises central to the Paris deal. The result is an erosion of trust: poorer countries see a system that benefits the industrialised world while restricting their own growth.

These trends reveal something deeper than a shortfall in ambition. They expose an illusion of control. Despite record investment, global emissions continue to rise because today’s governance tools no longer match the scale and complexity of the energy system. The world is not defying Paris by choice, but by design – through a framework relying on voluntary pledges in a fiercely competitive global economy.

This is not necessarily a story of failure. The shift from cooperation to competition has unleashed investment, innovation and the deployment of clean technologies. Yet without global alignment, progress is uneven at best.

The challenge ahead is not only technological but moral: can global governance resist the comfort of incremental progress? Can it reclaim a sense of shared direction?

If “managed emissions” become the accepted destination, humanity may master adaptation yet forfeit transformation. At the UN’s Cop30 climate summit, the task is not merely to promise more – but to recover belief in collective action before it quietly disappears.

The Conversation

Rahmat Poudineh is head of electricity research at the Oxford Institute for Energy Studies (OIES). OIES is an independent and autonomous energy research institute based at Oxford.

ref. How climate cooperation turned into a global race for green power – https://theconversation.com/how-climate-cooperation-turned-into-a-global-race-for-green-power-268768

The hidden environmental cost of anti-wrinkle injections

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Bridget Storrie, Teaching Fellow, Institute for Global Prosperity, UCL

marevgenna/Shutterstock

The increasing number of injectable cosmetic treatments and fillers carried out around the world is driven by a seemingly universal need to look younger than we are. Most are administered to women, but a growing number of men are having them too.

This beauty-is-youth belief has a geological cost. Over 14 million stainless steel hypodermic needles are used and discarded annually for cosmetic treatments around the world. The metals used to create them are considered critical.

Stainless steel is an iron and chromium alloy with nickel added to most of it. The iron in a needle might have come from the Pilbara in Western Australia. It was born over a billion years ago when oxygen from the photosynthesis of early bacteria combined with iron in the ancient oceans and settled on the sea floor.

The chromium could have come from the Bushveld Complex in South Africa, an igneous intrusion created when magma found its way to the Earth’s crust through vertical cracks, then cooled, allowing the chromite to differentiate itself, crystallising in distinct layers.




Read more:
The importance of critical minerals should not condone their extraction at all costs


And then there’s the nickel. Like chromite, it began its life in the upwelling and cooling of magma associated with the formation of the continents as we know them now, and through the weathering of igneous rocks. It’s likely to have come from Indonesia, where deposits of nickel are close to the surface and economical to extract.

A critical mineral is one that is considered essential for a state’s economy, national security and clean energy technologies, and has a supply chain vulnerable to disruption by war, tariffs and scarcity. Critical minerals cannot easily be replaced by something else.

woman's face, injection near lips with gloved hand of medical professional
The needles used to perform injectable cosmetic surgey are made using various critical minerals.
fast-stock/Shutterstock

The critical list

What is on a particular country’s critical minerals list says something about the geopolitics of the places where commodities are mined, the characteristics of the commodity itself and the priorities of the country compiling the list.

Chromium is considered critical by the US, Canada and Australia because it is essential for stainless steel production and other high-performance alloys. Demand for chromium is expected to grow by 75 times between 2020 and 2040 due, in part, to the clean energy transition. Reserves are concentrated, with South Africa producing over 40% of supply in 2023, followed by Kazakhstan, Turkey, India and Finland.

Nickel was added to the UK’s critical mineral list in 2024. Described as the “Swiss army knife” of energy transition minerals, it is used to increase energy density in lithium batteries, allowing for their miniaturisation and increasing the range in electric cars. Indonesia holds 42% of the world’s reserves.




Read more:
The global race is on to secure critical minerals. Why do they matter so much?


Even iron ore is on the list. High-quality iron ore was put on Canada’s critical minerals list in 2024 because of its importance for “green steel” production and decarbonisation goals.

The rapidly increasing demand for stainless steel for cosmetic purposes is tangled up with urgent demands from other sectors. It is essential for construction, transportation, food production and storage, medicine and the manufacture of consumer goods.

It is vital for defence. Stainless steel is used in aircraft and vehicle components, naval vessels, missile parts and ballistics.

Needles used in cosmetic procedures are also entangled with other resource-related issues that have no easy answer: mining-related conflict, concerns about the environmental and social impact of mining and controversy over new mining frontiers, like the deep seabed and the Moon.

Then there is the carbon footprint of the multiple processes required to turn rocks into needles and disposing of them safely. Each one has to be mined, shipped, smelted, manufactured, trucked, used, put in a sharps bin and then incinerated.

Do we have to choose between cosmetic procedures or the green transition? Cosmetic procedures or defence? No. Our increasing demand for injectable cosmetic procedures isn’t responsible for making chromium, nickel and iron ore critical. But it’s part of that story and it comes with a cost.


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The Conversation

Bridget Storrie is a director of Storrie Consulting, a mining and minerals consultancy

ref. The hidden environmental cost of anti-wrinkle injections – https://theconversation.com/the-hidden-environmental-cost-of-anti-wrinkle-injections-266926

Is there a strong economic case for dropping the two-child benefits cap? This is what the evidence tells us

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Will Cook, Reader in Policy Evaluation, Manchester Metropolitan University

Millions of British children live in poverty. Jun Huang/Shutterstock

As she carefully prepares the UK’s reaction to her second budget the chancellor, Rachel Reeves, has now hinted that she may be ready to scrap the two-child benefits cap.

This controversial policy prevents parents from claiming child tax credit or universal credit for more than two children (this is different to child benefit payments which are not limited by family size). According to the government’s own figures, the cap affects the households of 1.7 million children, and ditching it would cost upwards of £3.6 billion a year.

Introduced in 2017 as part of measures intended to cut public expenditure on welfare, the policy was designed to ensure that households on means-tested benefits “face the same financial choices about having children as those supporting themselves solely through work”.

However, when it was brought in, the then Conservative government’s impact assessment offered limited detail on the expected costs and benefits. A more comprehensive economic analysis of scrapping the policy would need to consider both the direct fiscal implications and the broader social and economic effects.

The direct fiscal cost is perhaps the most straightforward part of the calculation. Scrapping the cap would require the government to resume payments for families with more than two children, and the £3.6 billion annual cost is considerable at a time when the UK treasury doesn’t have a lot of money to spend.

So what about the potential economic benefits? These fall into two broad areas.

The first concerns the direct impact on children. For example, there is good evidence that additional household income during childhood improves future educational attainment and health. Increasing the money available to poorer households could therefore bring long-term social benefits.

However, the evidence to date on the specific effect of the two-child limit is limited. The Institute for Fiscal Studies recently examined the impact of the two-child limit on early years development (up to the age of five) and found no measurable effect on school readiness.

This finding may have come as a surprise to campaigners who argue that the policy harms child development. But it is consistent with evidence from the US which found that giving extra money to poorer families had no impact on early child development.

It seems then that the short-term effects of lifting the two-child benefit cap may not be significant. But longer-term influences, particularly on educational attainment, health and lifetime earnings could still emerge.

The second area of potential economic benefit relates to encouraging people to have more children. The logic here is that reinstating benefits payments for more than two children would lead to higher fertility rates (the average number of children a woman has over her lifetime).

This is particularly relevant given that birth rates in the UK have declined significantly in recent years from 812,970 births in 2012 to 694,685 in 2021.

As the population ages and lives longer, there is a risk that a shrinking working-age population will threaten economic prosperity. This is partly through a reduction in the number of workers supporting those who are not working, but also through a reduction in innovation, the key driver of economic growth.

Yet evidence that the two-child limit has significantly deterred parents from having more children is weak. Research suggests only a small decline in birth rates among low-income households likely to be affected by the policy.

Child poverty

Another important consideration is the policy’s effect on the labour market. Evidence indicates that the introduction of the two-child limit led to small increases in hours worked, and an increased likelihood of mothers of three children entering the workforce. This implies that the two-child limit incentivised some people to work more.

If scrapping the cap reverses these effects, the fiscal cost could be even higher because of reduced tax revenue and lower economic output.

That said, this reduction in employment could also be framed as a benefit. Stricter benefit rules that increase employment may also lead to negative mental health outcomes, which also carry social and fiscal costs.

From an efficiency standpoint then, the case for scrapping the two-child limit is ambiguous. The evidence on its impact on fertility and childhood outcomes is mixed, and there may be a effects on the labour market whose net benefit is uncertain.

But from an equity perspective, the case is much stronger. It is easy to argue that reducing poverty is a desirable policy goal in its own right, regardless of whether it leads to other measurable social benefits.

Scrapping the cap is one of the most cost-effective ways of reducing child poverty. The Resolution Foundation thinktank estimates that abolishing the two-child limit would lift around 500,000 children out of poverty and is the single most effective policy lever available to government. It may now be a lever that Reeves intends to pull.


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The Conversation and LSE’s International Inequalities Institute have teamed up for a special online event on Tuesday, November 18 from 5pm-6.30pm. Join experts from the worlds of business, taxation and government policy as they discuss the difficult choices facing the chancellor, Rachel Reeves, in her budget. Sign up for free here


The Conversation

William Cook receives funding from UKRI, the Education Endowment Fund and the Youth Endowment Fund.

ref. Is there a strong economic case for dropping the two-child benefits cap? This is what the evidence tells us – https://theconversation.com/is-there-a-strong-economic-case-for-dropping-the-two-child-benefits-cap-this-is-what-the-evidence-tells-us-267057

Trump’s Latin America strategy risks creating a military quagmire

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Pablo Uchoa, PhD Candidate in the Institute of the Americas, UCL

The arrival of the world’s largest aircraft carrier, the USS Gerald R. Ford, in the Caribbean basin on November 11 has intensified fears of a large-scale conflict in the region. The carrier has been deployed as part of US president Donald Trump’s campaign against boats in the Caribbean and Pacific allegedly transporting drugs bound for the US.

But some experts suspect that the real objective is to support a possible US military strike aimed at toppling the regime of Nicolás Maduro in Venezuela. Trump has long accused the Venezuelan government of being a criminal organisation, offering US$50 million (£38 million) earlier in 2025 for information leading to Maduro’s arrest.

Trump recently authorised the CIA to conduct covert lethal operations inside Venezuela, adding that his administration was now considering operations on land. The deployment of the USS Gerald R. Ford, which has 4,000 sailors and dozens of aircraft on board, further raises the stakes.

However, US military action in Venezuela would carry immense risks. The Venezuelan government has long been preparing for an asymmetric conflict with the US, eccentric as this may have sounded in the past.

Venezuela’s military doctrine

In 2002, the Venezuelan government was subject to a US-backed coup attempt. This prompted Hugo Chávez, Venezuela’s leader at the time, to promote an overhaul of national military thinking to deal with a possible US invasion.

His strategy incorporated principles of “people’s war”, a Maoist tactic used extensively by Vietnamese military commander Vo Nguyen Giap in the Vietnam war. This tactic accepts ceding territory to an invading force initially, in favour of engaging the enemy in guerilla-style warfare until the conflict becomes impossible to sustain.

A key part of the tactic is that it blurs the boundaries between society and the battlefield, relying on the support and participation of the population. Reflecting on so-called people’s wars in the first half of the 19th century, Prussian military theorist Carl von Clausewitz observed that the strongest wars are those driven by the determination of the people.

The concept of people’s war and asymmetric warfare has been codified in anti-imperialist doctrines throughout the 20th century. This is especially true for the Vietnamese guerrilla leaders. But it was also adopted more loosely by insurgencies such as the Taliban, which fought Soviet forces in Afghanistan in the 1980s.

The Iraqi resistance against US forces in the early 2000s featured highly in Chávez’s mind. Venezuela’s then-president had thousands of copies of Spanish political scientist Jorge Verstrynge’s 2005 book, Peripheral Warfare and Revolutionary Islam, distributed within the Venezuelan army. The book draws on the experience of jihadist groups to emphasise the power of smaller, irregular formations in deciding asymmetric conflicts.

The Bolivarian Militia, a special branch of the Venezuelan armed forces created in 2008, embodies the doctrine of people’s war by incorporating civilians into national security mobilisation. Membership of the militia grew from 1.6 million in 2018 to 5 million by 2024, according to official figures. Under Maduro, the Venezuelan government has said it wants to expand membership to 8.5 million people.

The goal of the militia is not to duplicate conventional Venezuelan armed forces, but to extend their presence across the country. Venezuela’s territorial defence system is based on military deployments at regional, state and municipal levels, with personnel and missions assigned according to local geography and population.

Under Chávez, this system was broken down into much smaller units, covering specific municipal areas and communities. This level of capillarity is possible because it relies on civilian soldiers from the Bolivarian Militia and their profound knowledge of local areas.

For a large proportion of militia men and women, especially older members, their main task would not involve weapons. They would probably be tasked with carrying out what the government calls “popular intelligence” – in other words, surveillance.

This has already been reinforced with a recently launched mobile phone app which allows Venezuelans to report “everything they see and hear” in their neighbourhood that they consider suspicious.

Political and economic quagmire

A powerful US invading force would probably be allowed to march into Venezuela relatively easily. The problem would be the ensuing political and military quagmire that Venezuela’s military doctrine has been designed to create.

There are many uncertainties surrounding this scenario. On the Venezuelan side, civil-military coordination in wartime would be highly complex. Large-scale exercises have seen hundreds of thousands of regular troops, militia members and police simulating possible wartime scenarios. But their logistics have never been tested in real life.

Another uncertainty concerns the cohesion of combatants. Trump’s hardline posture towards Venezuela could trigger a “rally round the flag” effect, reinforcing loyalty to the government in the early stages of war. But the ideological commitment of militia members in a protracted scenario is another question.

On the US side, Trump’s plan for Venezuela remains unclear. Assuming Washington’s aim is to install an opposition government, it’s not obvious how such an administration could survive in the days and weeks after taking power. A conflict could also trigger another wave of Venezuelan emigration, adding to the 8 million-strong diaspora living mostly in Latin American countries.

The Bolivarian doctrine hopes that the prospect of “another Iraq” in Latin America serves as a deterrent against US intervention in Venezuela. But it is unclear whether Trump is taking this prospect seriously.

The US president reportedly considers Venezuela “unfinished business” from his first term in office. At that time, he imposed harsh sanctions on Venezuela’s oil sector, saying in 2023: “When I left, Venezuela was ready to collapse. We would’ve taken it over, and would’ve gotten all that oil.”

Yet a military solution now would still risk leaving this business unfinished for the foreseeable future.

The Conversation

Pablo Uchoa has received UKRI funding for his research on the transformation of Venezuala’s military under Hugo Chávez.

ref. Trump’s Latin America strategy risks creating a military quagmire – https://theconversation.com/trumps-latin-america-strategy-risks-creating-a-military-quagmire-269680