Amazon’s Ring wanted to track your pets. It revealed the future of surveillance

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Dennis B. Desmond, Lecturer, Cyberintelligence and Cybercrime Investigations, University of the Sunshine Coast

Ring

As a career counterintelligence officer for the US Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and Defense Intelligence Agency, I worked inside a fully integrated intelligence system.

Signals intelligence from the National Security Agency guided investigations. Satellite imagery from the National Reconnaissance Office provided visibility into hostile environments. Human intelligence came through Defense Intelligence Agency channels.

These streams were strengthened by reporting from domestic and foreign partners. It was a closed, tightly controlled system.

But things have changed. Now private companies are supplying “intelligence as a service” to government entities and others – and as the Amazon-owned Ring doorbell camera company found out when it advertised a new feature last week, the change is not without controversy.

The rise of private intelligence

For most of the 20th century, intelligence remained the exclusive domain of nation states. Collection systems were expensive and specialised. They were protected by strict classification rules designed to safeguard sources and methods.

Intelligence agencies controlled the entire life cycle: human spying, signals interception, satellite surveillance, analysis, and dissemination to decision-makers. This created a closed command economy, where states maintained their own capabilities with legal oversight and institutional tradecraft.

A plane flying over a building.
Marine One flying over Defense Intelligence Agency headquarters in Washington DC.
Dennis Desmond, CC BY

Today, that monopoly is eroding. It’s being replaced by a commercial intelligence marketplace operating alongside – and increasingly inside – government security structures.

The shift began in the late 20th century as open-source intelligence became more valuable. This happened with the rise of online forums, social media platforms and commercial satellite imagery.

Companies entered this market, scraping images from the web and content from social media sites. Clearview AI, perhaps the most well known, entered this market in 2017 – offering to identify people based on photos from social media.

Businesses quickly recognised the opportunity. Intelligence could be produced commercially, packaged, and sold.

The surveillance economy

At the same time, a broader surveillance economy emerged. It was driven by private companies, not governments.

Acoustic gunshot detection systems illustrate this convergence. Originally designed for military force protection, these sensors are now deployed across cities, providing real-time alerts to police. In Australia, this has manifested itself with hardware store chain Bunnings incorporating facial recognition technology from Hitachi.

Uncrewed aerial vehicles – better known as drones – have followed a similar pattern. Once limited to military reconnaissance, sensor-equipped drones are now widely available commercially. Parts of the battlefield surveillance grid have migrated into civilian life.

Perhaps the most significant shift comes from everyday consumer technology. Internet-connected door cameras, home security systems, and other “Internet of Things” devices now form a vast, privately owned sensor network. This is likely to grow, as products such as Meta’s planned facial-recognition smart glasses hit the market.

Real intelligence value but real privacy concerns

These systems were never intended as intelligence tools. Yet their intelligence value is undeniable.

In the recent case of the kidnapping of Nancy Guthrie in Arizona, for example, Nest door camera footage helped reconstruct movements and identify a possible kidnapper. The data was captured passively, through daily digital life.

This is intelligence collection by proxy. It is constant, ambient, and privately owned.

Amazon Ring’s attempt to launch its “Search Party” program demonstrates the tension.

Framed as a community safety feature, the program proposed using AI to scan neighbourhood camera footage to locate missing pets.

Concern escalated when Ring explored partnering with Flock Safety, whose automated license plate reader networks are widely used by law enforcement. Linking home surveillance cameras with other tracking systems signalled the emergence of a fully integrated commercial intelligence network.

Public backlash was swift – especially after the capability was advertised during the Super Bowl. Critics argued the pet-recovery narrative masked the normalisation of mass surveillance.

Facing mounting privacy concerns, Ring ultimately abandoned the partnership.

Intelligence as a service

Commercial surveillance partnerships continue to expand. Networked cameras and license plate readers equipped with AI-powered object recognition enable vehicle tracking across jurisdictions.

Data brokers feed into this ecosystem too. They sell credit histories, utility records, and behavioural data to government clients.

Taken together, these developments represent “intelligence as a service”. Governments now buy cyber threat reporting, commercial sensor data, facial recognition, and behavioural analytics through subscriptions and data-sharing agreements. Intelligence production has become scalable, modular and market-driven.

This transformation raises serious governance questions. Commercial intelligence providers often operate under far looser legal restrictions. They allow agencies to circumvent data privacy laws.

Consumer-generated data, door cameras, vehicle telemetry and biometric identifiers can often be used by investigators without the need for a warrant. This complicates privacy protections and civil liberties safeguards.

None of this makes state intelligence services obsolete. Governments still retain unique authorities: human espionage, covert action, offensive cyber operations, and classified technical collection.

However, these capabilities now operate within a broader intelligence supply chain. Also in the mix are satellite firms, data brokers, AI analytics companies, and cyber intelligence vendors.

Questions for the future

The integration of commercial surveillance and artificial intelligence is likely to deepen.

Technology leaders envision a near future where cameras on homes, vehicles and public infrastructure feed constant video into AI systems. Citizens and police alike would operate under continuous algorithmic observation. Automated reporting would aim to shape behaviour.

The privatisation of intelligence is neither temporary nor accidental. It is the outcome of technological diffusion, data proliferation, and commercial innovation meeting demand from national security and law enforcement.

The question is not whether intelligence as a service will expand. It will.

The real question is different. What happens to national sovereignty, democratic oversight, and personal privacy when the power to collect and analyse intelligence no longer belongs solely to the state? What happens when it belongs to private actors willing to sell it?

The Conversation

Dennis B. Desmond receives funding from Australian Research Council, Australian Army. As a former intelligence officer, he used various data aggregators, Palantir, and Analyst Notebook for data analysis and intelligence production.

ref. Amazon’s Ring wanted to track your pets. It revealed the future of surveillance – https://theconversation.com/amazons-ring-wanted-to-track-your-pets-it-revealed-the-future-of-surveillance-276020

More police and surveillance won’t prevent the next school tragedy

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Beyhan Farhadi, Assistant Professor, Educational Policy and Equity, University of Toronto

I’m still processing the devastating mass school shooting in Tumbler Ridge, B.C. Like many people across the country, I’m thinking about the families and communities directly impacted while trying to anticipate next steps.

As an academic who researches surveillance technology in Canadian schools,
I am also watching the media landscape for developments in coverage and shifts in discourse.

This is because my preliminary research suggests – based on analysis of news media reports between 2010 and 2025 – a single, tragic story can impact expanded visible security measures and significant investments.




Read more:
School shootings dropped in 2025 – but schools are still focusing too much on safety technology instead of prevention


When violence and tragedy erupt, governments and school leaders face intense pressure to act quickly, and urgency can produce policy responses that signal control without a plan to evaluate their impact.

Focus on securing schools

Market research from the United States estimates that billions of dollars a year are invested in “securing” schools, often in response to school shootings.

These measures can feel reassuring in the short term, but decades of U.S. experience following the 1999 Columbine shooting suggest that expanding visible security measures shows limited or mixed evidence of reducing serious violent incidents, and does not provide causal support for the claim that these measures prevent rare violent incidents.

CBC reports that the tragedy in Tumbler Ridge “and other intruder incidents at schools” are “reviving conversations across Canada about school safety.” Since the Tumbler Ridge school shooting, there have been calls to examine emergency procedures not just in Tumbler Ridge and B.C., but also in Manitoba and Alberta.

Premier Danielle Smith suggested the Alberta Ministry of Education may expand school resource officers after upcoming safety audits.

Expanded police presence to address violence

This recent event follows a growing movement in Canadian jurisdictions to expand police presence to address violence in schools.

The British Columbia Ministry of Education fired the Victoria School Board for banning police in schools. In Ontario, Bill 33 is set to expand policing in schools and erode democratic oversight of school boards.




Read more:
Ontario’s Bill 33 expands policing in schools and will erode democratic oversight


Scholarly evidence on school policing depends on how studies are designed and findings interpreted. A 2018 evaluation of Ontario’s Peel Region estimated school policing had positive social value based on surveys and stakeholder reports. However, it did not compare schools with and without officers or test whether police presence reduces serious violent incidents.

In contrast, a 2020 U.S.-wide study comparing similar schools before and after increases in police funding did find reductions in non-weapon physical fights. However, it found no reduction in gun-related incidents. It also documented increases in suspensions, expulsions and police referrals for Black students and students with disabilities.

Human rights commissions from both Ontario and British Columbia have cautioned that police programs in schools must meet a high legal threshold and have raised concerns about disproportionate impacts on Black, Indigenous, racialized, disabled and 2SLGBTQ+ students. They highlight that any policy that risks discrimination must be necessary, proportionate and supported by evidence.

This raises an important question: if police integration in schools increases the likelihood that already marginalized students will be criminalized through suspensions, expulsions and arrests — all of which fortify the school-to-prison pipeline — what kind of safety are we building and for whom?




Read more:
Preventing and addressing violence in schools: 4 priorities as educators plan for next year


Threat assessment and AI

Another common way schools are expanding security measures is through threat assessment models that embed digital monitoring tools and law enforcement deeper into schooling. This raises important questions about proportionality and democratic oversight, especially when students and their families may not understand how their information is being collected, used or retained.

These models are presented as preventative rather than disciplinary, focused on identifying suspicious behaviour early and intervening before harm takes place.

Evidence supporting threat assessment emphasizes early identification and co-ordinated intervention, not a permanent police presence, routine intelligence gathering or digitally monitoring students.

Expanded digital threat assessment, in particular, is connected to the development of artificial intelligence tools that are marketed to schools as preventative solutions. These solutions include scanning social media, flagging keywords, mapping digital networks and generating “risk scores” based on behavioural data.

In practice, this means that a student’s online activity can be captured and shared across school and law enforcement systems in ways that were not possible a decade ago.

These early intervention tools subject students to continuous monitoring, with private actors mediating the flow of information from students through schools to police.

Relational breakdowns

Research on mass school shootings underscores
how rare and context-specific they are.

While visible security measures may signal action, they do not address the social disconnection and relational breakdowns that often precipitate youth violence in cases where youth are current students at a targeted school, or where they are not (as in the case of Tumbler Ridge).

Students who are marginalized are most likely to experience negative school climates. In schools, these vulnerabilities call for support and trust-building, while in policing contexts, these vulnerabilities are a risk to surveil and detect relative to behavioural baselines.

When police presence expands in schools, the students most in need of care may also be the most likely to be watched. Students who feel watched are less likely to feel trusting of their school community.

Protective social connections

Decades of research on youth violence consistently identify protective social connections not only between students, but also among families, staff and the broader community. Early identification and intervention through multidisciplinary teams that include educators, administrators and mental health professionals are central to prevention efforts.

This does not require engaging in surveillance activities that risk the human rights of students or subject them to criminalization. It does require that we put resources toward educating and supporting youth rather than policing them.

In times of collective grief, the choices leaders make can shape school policy for years. If safety is the goal, relational infrastructure matters.

In this way, prevention depends not only on identifying threats, but on making environments in schools where students and youth feel supported, comfortable seeking help and willing to speak up when a peer needs support.

The Conversation

Beyhan Farhadi receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

ref. More police and surveillance won’t prevent the next school tragedy – https://theconversation.com/more-police-and-surveillance-wont-prevent-the-next-school-tragedy-275872

Warming winters are disrupting the hidden world of fungi – the result can shift mountain grasslands to scrub

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Stephanie Kivlin, Associate Professor of Ecology, University of Tennessee

Warmer winters in normally snowy places can interfere with the important activities of microbes in the soil. Seogi/500px via Getty Images

When you look out across a snowy winter landscape, it might seem like nature is fast asleep. Yet, under the surface, tiny organisms are hard at work, consuming the previous year’s dead plant material and other organic matter.

These soil microorganisms – Earth’s recyclers – liberate nutrients that will act as fertilizer once grasses and other plants wake up with the spring snowmelt.

Key among them are arbuscular mycorrhizal fungi, found in over 75% of plant species around the planet. These threadlike fungi grow like webs inside plant roots, where they provide up to 50% of the plant’s nutrient and water supply in exchange for plant carbon, which the fungi use to grow and reproduce.

A magnified image shows dots and thin filaments weaving through the outer cells of a root.
A magnified view shows filaments and vesicles of arbuscular mycorrhizal fungi weaving through the outer cells of a plant root. Outside the root, the filaments of hyphae gather nutrients from the soil.
Edouard Evangelisti, et al., New Phytologist, 2021, CC BY

In winter, the snowpack insulates mycorrhizal fungi and other microorganisms like a blanket, allowing them to continue to decompose soil organic matter, even when air temperatures above the snow are well below freezing. However, when rain washes out the snowpack or a healthy snowpack doesn’t form, water in the soil can later freeze – as can mycorrhizal fungi.

In a new study in the Rocky Mountain grasslands, we dug into plots of land that for three decades scientists led by ecologist John Harte had warmed by 2 degrees Celsius (3.6 Fahrenheit) using suspended heaters that mimicked the air temperature the area is likely to see by the end of this century.

Above ground, the plots shifted over that time from predominantly grassland to more desertlike shrublands. Under the surface, we found something else: There were noticeably fewer beneficial mycorrhizal fungi, which left plants less able to acquire nutrients or buffer themselves from environmental stressors like freezing temperatures and drought.

These changes represent a major shift in the ecosystem, one that, on a wide scale, could reverberate through the food web as the grasses and forbs, such as wildflowers, that cattle and wildlife rely on decline and are replaced by a more desertlike environment.

When plants and fungi get out of sync

Warmer winters and a changing snowpack can affect the growth of plants and fungi in a few important ways.

One of the first signs of changing winters is when the timing of plant, fungal and animal activities that rely on one another get out of sync. For example, a mountain of evidence from around the world has documented how early snowmelt can lead to flowers blooming before pollinators arrive.

Timing also matters for plants that rely on mycorrhizal fungi – their growth must overlap.

Since plants are cued to light in addition to temperature, whereas underground microorganisms are cued to temperature and nutrient availability, warmer winters may cause microorganisms to be active well before their plant counterparts.

A mountain with a meadow filled with grasses and wildflowers in the foreground.
A view across the subalpine grasslands outside the experimental plots.
Stephanie Kivlin

At our research site, in a subalpine meadow in Colorado, we also initiated an early snowmelt experiment in April 2023 that advanced snowmelt in five large plots by about two weeks.

We found that the early snowmelt advanced mycorrhizal fungal growth by one week, but we didn’t find a corresponding change in the growth of plant roots. When mycorrhizal fungi are active before plants, the plants don’t benefit from the nutrients that mycorrhizal fungi are taking up from the soil.

Disappearing nutrients

Early snowmelt can also lead to a loss of nutrients from the soil.

When microorganisms decompose organic matter in warmer soils, nutrients accumulate in the air and water pockets between soil particles. These nutrients are then available for mycorrhizal fungi to transfer to plants. While mycorrhizal fungi transfer nutrients to the plant, other fungi are primarily decomposers that keep the nutrients for themselves.

However, if rain falls on the snow or the snow melts early, before plants are active, the nutrients can leach from the soil into lakes and streams. The effect is similar to fertilizer runoff from farm fields – the nutrients fuel algae growth, which can create low-oxygen dead zones. At the same time, plants in the field have fewer nutrients available.

This kind of nutrient leaching has happened in a variety of ecosystems with warming winters and rain-on-snow events, ranging from mountain grasslands in Colorado to temperate forests in New England and the Midwest.

Without a thick snowpack, soils can also freeze for longer periods in the winter, leading to lower microbial activity and scarce resources at the onset of spring.

The future of changing winters

Under all of these scenarios – a timing mismatch, more rain causing nutrients to leach out or frozen soil – warmer winters are leading to less spring growth.

Ecosystems are often resilient, however. Organisms could acclimate to lower nutrient concentrations or shift their ranges to more favorable conditions. How plants and mycorrhizal fungi both adapt will determine how this hidden world adjusts to changing winters.

So, the next time rain on snow or a snow drought delays your outdoor winter plans, remember that it’s more than a hassle for humans – it’s affecting that hidden world below, with potentially long-term effects.

The Conversation

Stephanie Kivlin received funding from NSF Award #2338421, #1936195 and DOE Award #DE-FOA-0002392. She is an associate professor in the Ecology and Evolutionary Biology department at the University of Tennessee, Knoxville and the Rocky Mountain Biological Laboratory.

Aimee Classen receives funding from the US Department of Energy and the US National Science Foundation. She is a professor in Ecology and Evolutionary Biology at the University of Michigan and the director of the University of Michigan Biological Station.

Lara A. Souza received funding from National Science Foundation and The United States Department of Agriculture. She is affiliated with The University of Oklahoma, Norman and the Rocky Mountain Biological Laboratory.

ref. Warming winters are disrupting the hidden world of fungi – the result can shift mountain grasslands to scrub – https://theconversation.com/warming-winters-are-disrupting-the-hidden-world-of-fungi-the-result-can-shift-mountain-grasslands-to-scrub-274087

JO de Milano-Cortina : comment gérer les foules de manière éco-responsable

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Alizée Pillod, Doctorante en science politique, Université de Montréal

Au-delà de la performance sportive, les Jeux olympiques d’hiver de Milano-Cortina se déroulent dans un contexte marqué par l’urgence climatique et des attentes croissantes envers la responsabilité environnementale des méga-évènements sportifs. Conscient de l’empreinte carbone liée à la présence des spectateurs, le Comité organisateur a mis en place des mesures pour les inciter à adopter des comportements plus écoresponsables durant ces JO, qui se terminent le 22 février avant de reprendre en mars pour les Jeux paralympiques.


Quelles sont ces mesures et que valent-elles réellement ?

Doctorante en science politique à l’Université de Montréal, mes travaux portent à la fois sur la communication climatique et l’élaboration de politiques environnementales, y compris dans le secteur du sport.

Après avoir assisté aux Jeux olympiques de Paris 2024, souvent présentés comme plus verts, j’ai eu l’occasion d’être présente à ceux de Milano-Cortina, lors du weekend d’ouverture, sur les sites de Bormio et Livigno. Le texte qui suit s’appuie sur mon expertise et les observations que j’ai pu faire sur place, en tant que spectatrice.




À lire aussi :
À la veille de l’ouverture des JO d’hiver, quelles attentes environnementales ?


Les spectateurs : champions des émissions

Les Jeux olympiques d’hiver, même si plus petits en taille que ceux d’été, provoquent une forte affluence en montagne. En Italie, les organisateurs s’attendent à accueillir jusqu’à 2,5 millions de spectateurs sur l’ensemble des sites. Il s’agit des Jeux les plus dispersés de l’histoire, s’étandant sur 4 sites et plus de 22 000 km².

Les déplacements des spectateurs pour assister aux Jeux constituent généralement la principale source d’émissions de gaz à effet de serre associée à l’événement. À titre d’exemple, lors des Jeux de Paris 2024, ils représentaient à eux seuls près de la moitié de l’empreinte carbone totale, soit 49 %.

Par ailleurs, l’affluence attendue soulève d’autres défis, notamment en matière de gestion des déchets. Les services de restauration offerts aux spectateurs sur les sites de Milano-Cortina, de même que le traitement des déchets, devraient ainsi représenter plus de 15 000 tonnes de CO₂ équivalent.

De ce fait, plusieurs initiatives sont mises en place pour limiter l’impact des spectateurs.

Mieux se déplacer pour moins polluer

Les organisateurs disposent de peu de leviers pour influencer les voyages aériens des spectateurs se rendant en Italie, mais ils peuvent agir sur les modes de transport utilisés une fois sur le territoire nord-italien.

Ils ont notamment restreint la circulation routière à proximité des sites olympiques, pour des raisons à la fois sécuritaires et environnementales. Les résidents et spectateurs souhaitant s’y rendre en voiture doivent ainsi se munir d’un laissez-passer, à demander plusieurs semaines à l’avance et à apposer sur le pare-brise, contrôlé aux principaux points d’accès. Sans interdire explicitement la voiture, ce dispositif en réduit fortement l’attractivité.

Pour encourager des alternatives, des stationnements relais gratuits ont été aménagés en périphérie, avec des navettes payantes vers les sites. En dehors de Milan, la plupart des sites ne sont pas directement accessibles par métro ou train, de sorte que des navettes gratuites ont été déployées depuis certaines gares.

Enfin, pour les spectateurs logeant plus en altitude dans les vallées, comme ce fut mon cas, les transports en commun locaux constituent une autre option. Ces bus publics, bien que payants et ponctués de nombreux arrêts, permettent ici aussi de rejoindre les sites sans recourir à un véhicule individuel, au prix d’un temps de trajet plus long.

L’or, l’argent… et le plastique

Vous souvenez-vous des Phryges, les mascottes de Paris 2024 devenues virales sur les réseaux sociaux ? À Milano-Cortina, vous avez probablement entendu parler de leurs héritiers, Tina et Milo, dont les noms font écho aux villes de CorTINA et MILanO.

Mais connaissez-vous les Flo ? Contrairement aux mascottes officielles chargées d’animer les foules, ces six petites fleurs perce-neige remplissent une mission bien particulière : promouvoir le recyclage.

Leur nom fait écho à la campagne anti-gaspillage « Follow the Flo », construite sur un jeu de mots avec l’expression anglophone « follow the flow », qui signifie « suivre le mouvement ».

Panneau expliquant le tri sélectif sur le site olympique de Livigno.
(Alizée Pillod)

Elles figurent sur les panneaux expliquant le tri sélectif installés à proximité des points de collecte sur les sites olympiques, contribuant à sensibiliser les spectateurs à leurs actions de manière ludique. Plus encore, des peluches à leur effigie sont proposées à la vente, prolongeant cette initiative au-delà des espaces de tri eux-mêmes.

Une performance en demi-teinte

Aucune donnée définitive n’est encore disponible sur le recyclage ou la fréquentation des navettes et transports en commun, mais il est déjà possible de partager quelques constats.

D’abord, les modes de transport mis à disposition semblent victimes de leur succès. Du côté des bus locaux, les organisateurs ont même sous-estimé l’engouement des spectateurs pour ce service.

À Livigno, site olympique situé en haute altitude, un seul bus circule par heure. À la sortie des compétitions, ce qui devait arriver arriva : files d’attente interminables, spectateurs contraints de patienter dans le froid et sentiment général d’improvisation.

Il faut toutefois reconnaître que l’accès au site constitue en soi un défi logistique. Une fois à Bormio, autre site olympique déjà situé en altitude, l’accès à Livigno nécessite d’emprunter une route sinueuse pendant encore près d’une heure et de franchir un col à plus de 2 000 mètres. Cela limite de facto le flux de véhicules et la fréquence des navettes.

Les autres sites n’échappent pas non plus à ce casse-tête logistique. Ici, la géographie impose ses contraintes, et la patience devient une condition implicite de l’expérience olympique.

La stratégie des stationnements relais soulève également des questionnements. Leur nombre reste limité, et certains sont eux-mêmes situés en altitude, comme celui d’Aquilone. Un tel choix interroge : en positionnant ces stationnements plus bas dans la vallée, les organisateurs auraient-ils davantage dissuadé l’usage de la voiture et favorisé celui des transports collectifs ?

Risque d’éco-blanchiment

En outre, si les Flo encouragent le tri sélectif, celui-ci ne peut constituer la seule solution pour diminuer le nombre de déchets.

À ce sujet, il est surprenant qu’aucune vaisselle réutilisable ne soit proposée aux spectateurs et que les services de restauration privilégient des emballages en carton recyclé ou en plastique pour la vente de leurs produits. L’absence de fontaines permettant de remplir des gourdes entraîne également un recours systématique aux bouteilles d’eau en plastique.

De plus, si les Flo partent d’une bonne intention, la vente de peluches contribue malgré elles à la consommation de masse, laquelle va à l’encontre des principes de l’économie durable.


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L’argent récolté par ces ventes de peluches ne semble pas être réinvesti dans des actions vertes. Cela constitue une occasion manquée de prolonger l’impact des gestes individuels et expose l’initiative à un risque significatif d’éco-blanchiment.

Ce risque est d’autant plus réel du fait que l’initiative est en partie parrainée par Coca-Cola, l’une des entreprises les plus polluantes en matière de plastique dans le monde. Elle avait déjà fait l’objet d’une plainte lors de Paris 2024.

Des efforts à bonifier

Si ces initiatives en 2026 représentent un premier pas encourageant comparé aux éditions précédentes des Jeux d’hiver, elles restent encore insuffisantes en termes de nombre et d’ambition.

Il faut dire que le point de comparaison n’était guère exigeant : les Jeux olympiques d’hiver de Pékin 2022, à l’instar de plusieurs éditions récentes, ont largement été décriés comme une aberration écologique.

Finalement, cela nous invite aussi à réfléchir à la taille de ces méga-évènements sportifs, lesquels ont considérablement grandi au fil du temps. Si le nombre de spectateurs n’est pas davantage limité, l’empreinte carbone restera nécessairement élevée.

La Conversation Canada

Alizée Pillod est affiliée au Centre d’Études et de Recherches Internationales de l’UdeM (CERIUM), au Centre de recherche sur les Politiques et le Développement Social (CPDS) et au Centre pour l’Étude de la Citoyenneté Démocratique (CECD). Ses recherches sont subventionnées par les Fonds de Recherche du Québec (FRQ). Alizée a aussi obtenu la Bourse départementale de recrutement en politiques publiques (2021), la Bourse d’excellence en études environnementales Rosdev (2023), ainsi que la Bourse d’excellence en politiques publiques de la Maison des Affaires Publiques et Internationales (2025). Elle a collaboré par le passé avec le consortium Ouranos, le ministère de l’Environnement du Québec et l’INSPQ. Elle est actuellement chercheuse invitée au Center for Interdisciplinary Research on Sport de l’Université de Lausanne.

ref. JO de Milano-Cortina : comment gérer les foules de manière éco-responsable – https://theconversation.com/jo-de-milano-cortina-comment-gerer-les-foules-de-maniere-eco-responsable-275759

2026 no será el año del colapso demográfico: ¿qué ha pasado realmente con la población mundial?

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Antía Domínguez, Profesora de sociología, Universidade da Coruña

Melnikov Dmitriy/shutterstock

En 2026, el planeta ya supera los 8 300 millones de habitantes, según datos de la ONU. La cifra es elevada, pero muy alejada de aquel “crecimiento infinito” que se temía en los años sesenta, reflejado en artículos como Doomsday: Friday, 13 November, AD 2026. El viejo miedo a una superpoblación descontrolada ya no encaja con los datos. Pero ¿por qué?

Hoy sabemos que, si bien la población mundial continúa aumentando, cada vez lo hace a un ritmo más moderado. Si observamos la evolución desde 1960, comprobamos que el número de habitantes se ha duplicado en poco más de medio siglo. El crecimiento ha sido siempre positivo, aunque no constante: tras alcanzar su punto álgido, el ritmo comenzó a descender alrededor de los años setenta, con una desaceleración más marcada en las últimas décadas. En otras palabras, seguimos creciendo, pero cada vez más despacio.

Las transiciones demográficas: clave para entender el cambio

Para entender estos cambios necesitamos introducir el término de transición demográfica, es decir, el proceso histórico por el cual las poblaciones pasan de tener altas tasas de natalidad y mortalidad –típicas de sociedades preindustriales– a bajas tasas de ambos conceptos.

La primera fase es una caída de la mortalidad, impulsada por los avances médicos y sanitarios. En una segunda fase se produce un descenso de la fecundidad por debajo del umbral de reemplazo (2,1 hijos por mujer), acompañado de profundos cambios sociales que retrasan la fecundacion: retraso del matrimonio, aumento de los divorcios, mayor cohabitación y más nacimientos fuera del matrimonio. En muchos casos, los nacimientos son insuficientes para compensar las defunciones, y tiene lugar un crecimiento natural negativo.

La catástrofe maltusiana

El artículo alarmista de 1960, Doomsday: Friday, 13 November, AD 2026, se escribió en pleno auge de la primera transición demográfica, cuando las muertes descendían pero no la natalidad. A este hecho se sumaba un temor social a la superpoblación, alimentado también por las ideas de Thomas Malthus, quien aseguraba que la población humana crece en progresión geométrica (exponencialmente), mientras que los alimentos solo aumentan en progresión aritmética (linealmente).

Eso, anunciaba Malthus, conduce a que la población supere los recursos, causando miseria, hambrunas, guerras y epidemias para regularla, un fenómeno conocido como catástrofe maltusiana.

Nacimientos, defunciones y migraciones

La evolución de la población depende de los nacimientos, las defunciones y las migraciones. La combinación de estos tres fenómenos determina el crecimiento –o decrecimiento– de la población.

En lo que se refiere a las defunciones, la esperanza de vida no ha dejado de aumentar en las últimas décadas. A nivel mundial, ha pasado de 47,8 años en 1960 a 73,8 años en 2026, lo que supone un incremento de casi 26 años, equivalente a unos 0,4 años adicionales por año. Las mujeres presentan sistemáticamente una mayor expectativa que los hombres, una brecha que ha crecido de unos 3 años a alrededor de 5 en la actualidad.

Si miramos por regiones, países como Japón, España o Suiza lideran los valores más altos, mientras que Nigeria, Chad o Sudán del Sur se sitúan en los más bajos, con hasta 30 años de diferencia.

Por el lado de los nacimientos, la baja fecundidad es ya una realidad consolidada, especialmente en los países occidentales. El índice sintético de fecundidad –que estima el número medio de hijos por mujer– ha caído de 4,7 en 1960 a 2,2 en 2026. De nuevo, las diferencias regionales son enormes: mientras países como China, Ucrania o Puerto Rico rondan el hijo por mujer, otros como Somalia, Malí o Chad superan los cinco .

El tercer elemento son las migraciones, cuyo impacto se ha intensificado en un mundo cada vez más global y conectado. A escala mundial, el saldo migratorio es un juego de suma cero –lo que pierde un territorio lo gana otro–. Pero a nivel regional las diferencias son claras: hay zonas netamente receptoras y otras expulsoras o emisoras de población. Estas dinámicas vienen muy condicionadas por las políticas migratorias de cada país.

¿Por qué sigue creciendo la población?

Surgen entonces dos preguntas clave. En primer lugar, ¿cómo puede aumentar la población mundial si la fecundidad no deja de caer? La respuesta está en el aumento de la esperanza de vida. Vivimos más tiempo, lo que hace que cada persona “cuente” durante más años en el total poblacional. Así, el descenso de la fecundidad no tiene un impacto inmediato tan fuerte como cabría esperar.

La segunda pregunta es si seguimos temiendo a la superpoblación. Aunque la población continúa creciendo, el ritmo se está estabilizando y la caída de la fecundidad ha reducido ese temor. De hecho, en muchos países el miedo ha cambiado de signo y en muchos territorios se ha transformado en preocupación por el declive demográfico y el envejecimiento.

Mirando al futuro

Según las proyecciones de Naciones Unidas, en 2100 la población mundial alcanzará los 10 180 millones de personas. La esperanza de vida seguirá aumentando hasta los 81,7 años, con una brecha de género inferior a los cuatro años. La fecundidad, por su parte, continuará descendiendo hasta situarse en torno a 1,84 hijos por mujer.

Ante este escenario, la cuestión no es solo si debemos preocuparnos por la superpoblación o por la desaparición de la población, sino si somos capaces de entender que, en una sociedad global como la actual, la reducción de la mortalidad y el aumento de la longevidad disminuyen la necesidad de un crecimiento basado exclusivamente en los nacimientos. Como ya ocurrió durante la primera transición demográfica, el equilibrio entre fecundidad, mortalidad y migraciones puede dar lugar a un crecimiento poblacional estable.

Eso sí, este equilibrio dependerá de factores clave que habrá que seguir muy de cerca, como el cambio climático, capaz de afectar tanto a la mortalidad como a los movimientos migratorios en las próximas décadas.

The Conversation

Antía Domínguez no recibe salario, ni ejerce labores de consultoría, ni posee acciones, ni recibe financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y ha declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado.

ref. 2026 no será el año del colapso demográfico: ¿qué ha pasado realmente con la población mundial? – https://theconversation.com/2026-no-sera-el-ano-del-colapso-demografico-que-ha-pasado-realmente-con-la-poblacion-mundial-271985

Weight-loss drug ‘support supplements’: do they address nutrient deficiencies, or are they just another fad?

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jordan Beaumont, Senior Lecturer in Food and Nutrition, Sheffield Hallam University

Inside Creative House/Shutterstock

Weight-loss injections have rapidly moved from specialist clinics to social media feeds and high-street pharmacies. Known as GLP-1 medications, they were originally developed to support those with type 2 diabetes but are now widely used to support weight loss.

These medicines mimic a hormone called glucagon-like peptide-1, which helps regulate appetite and blood sugar. By slowing digestion and increasing feelings of fullness, they often lead people to eat less and lose weight.

Evidence suggests they can support weight loss, at least in the short term. But as use has grown, so have questions about possible unintended effects on nutrition and overall health.

A recent review of evidence suggests that some people taking GLP-1 medications may not be getting enough key nutrients. These include vitamins A, C, D, E and K, dietary fibre and minerals such as iron, calcium, magnesium, zinc and copper.

Nutritional deficiencies occur when the body does not receive enough of a nutrient to function properly. Estimates of how common these deficiencies are in those using GLP-1 medications vary widely. Some research suggests that more than 20% of people may be at risk within the first year of starting GLP-1 medications, while other studies indicate the impact may be much smaller, affecting less than 1% of users.




Read more:
Five things I wish people knew about supplements – by a nutritionist


As concern about potential deficiencies has grown, so has a new market. Supplement companies are launching “GLP-1 support” products that claim to offset side-effects such as muscle loss and vitamin deficiencies by providing the “right” nutrients for people using these medications.

But do people taking GLP-1 medications actually need these supplements?

The use of vitamin and mineral supplements has long been debated in nutrition science. Evidence supporting their benefits in generally healthy people who already eat a balanced diet is limited. Supplements can be helpful for people who are deficient in a specific nutrient.

For example, many people in the UK are at risk of vitamin D deficiency during the winter months because there is less sunlight, which the body needs to produce vitamin D. However, if someone already gets enough of a nutrient from their diet, taking extra supplements usually has little or no additional benefit.

A tablet with the inscription Vitamin D in the centre of an illustration of the sun
Due to reduced sunlight, it is difficult for the body to produce sufficient vitamin D between October and March in the UK, making supplementation a recommended way to maintain bone, muscle and immune health.
Fida Olga/Shutterstock



Read more:
Vitamin D: everything you need to know about this supplement – from when to take it, to how much you really need


Much of the research linking GLP-1 medications to nutrient deficiencies is observational. These studies studies look for patterns and associations in data but cannot prove cause and effect. In other words, they can show that two things occur together but cannot confirm that one causes the other. This means we cannot yet say for certain that GLP-1 medications directly cause nutrient deficiencies.

Even so, the concern is reasonable. GLP-1 medications often lead to reduced food intake. Eating less food can also mean consuming fewer essential nutrients, which increases the risk of deficiencies over time.

So can these potential deficiencies be addressed without expensive specialist supplements? Often, yes. Small dietary changes may be enough. Eating a range of nutrient-dense whole foods, including fruit and vegetables, whole grains, nuts and seeds, dairy or fortified alternatives, and lean or plant-based proteins, can help maintain adequate nutrient intake.

If supplements are needed, standard vitamin and mineral products available on the high street are often sufficient. There is rarely any need to pay premium prices for products marketed specifically for GLP-1 users. The evidence used in marketing for these products is often weak.

Selective science

While there is some evidence to support the use of certain supplements in specific situations or for certain groups, many GLP-1 support supplements contain ingredients that are not clearly linked to the needs of people taking these medications. These products are often described as “science-backed” or “evidence-based,” but the research behind these claims is frequently selective. Much of it has not been carried out in people using GLP-1 medications at all.

For instance, many GLP-1 support supplements include biotin, a vitamin often promoted for improving hair and skin health. However, the evidence supporting this claim is weak. There is also no strong research showing that biotin offers specific benefits for people taking GLP-1 medications. Most people already get enough biotin from their everyday diet. This means there is no clear evidence that adding more through supplements will help.

Amber bottle of biotin vitamin B7 dietary supplement capsules with 10,000 mcg dosage on wooden table, health and wellness product in natural outdoor setting, blurred family background and sunlight
While biotin (vitamin B7) is heavily marketed for improving hair, skin and nail health, scientific evidence supporting its efficacy in healthy people is limited and inconclusive.
Gabriele Paoletti/Shutterstock

Nutritional and lifestyle support for people using GLP-1 medications should be tailored to personal needs and goals. This approach is often described as personalised care. It recognises that people differ in their diets, health status and risk of deficiency. Guidance suggests that support should be personalised to meet individual needs to meet specific needs, ideally with advice from a qualified healthcare professional such as a registered dietitian or nutritionist. This is particularly important for anyone at higher risk of nutrient deficiency.

Where deficiencies are identified or likely, support may include small dietary changes or the use of standard supplements. However, this does not justify the routine use of expensive GLP-1 support supplements. These products are unlikely to offer benefits beyond those provided by basic, affordable supplements. A higher price does not guarantee higher quality or effectiveness.

The key message is simple. Supplements are most useful when someone has a confirmed deficiency or cannot meet their nutritional needs through diet alone. Taking supplements without a clear need is unlikely to provide any benefit and may simply be a waste of money.

The Conversation

Jordan Beaumont receives funding from the National Institute for Health and Care Research (NIHR). He is affiliated with the Association for the Study of Obesity and the Faculty of Public Health.

ref. Weight-loss drug ‘support supplements’: do they address nutrient deficiencies, or are they just another fad? – https://theconversation.com/weight-loss-drug-support-supplements-do-they-address-nutrient-deficiencies-or-are-they-just-another-fad-275525

In his Munich speech, Marco Rubio balanced loyalty to Trump with reassurances to Europe

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Natasha Lindstaedt, Professor in the Department of Government, University of Essex

When the US secretary of state, Marco Rubio, delivered a speech at Europe’s biggest security conference in the German city of Munich on February 14, leaders from across the continent were relieved by its content. In contrast to the previous year, when US vice-president J.D. Vance had launched a scathing attack on European-style democracy, Rubio’s tone was far more friendly and conciliatory.

He described the US as a “child of Europe”, assuring European leaders that his country was intent on building a new world order together with what he called “our cherished allies and our oldest friends”. The president of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, said she was “very much reassured” by these remarks.

However, Rubio also repeated several of the Trump administration’s familiar criticisms of Europe’s approach to immigration and climate action, cautioning that the US is prepared to chart its new path alone. And while he claimed his country wants to reinvigorate the transtlantic alliance, Rubio questioned Europe’s will and capacity to do so.

The speech underscored the balance Rubio must strike between aligning himself with the political priorities of Donald Trump and reassuring European partners. Unlike much of the Trump administration, the secretary of state understands that the US needs to be more diplomatic with Europe to achieve its foreign policy objectives.

This isn’t the case with Vance. One year ago, he chastised Europe for its migration policies and accused its governments of suppressing free speech and populist parties. He claimed that the greatest threat to Europe’s security came “from within”, rather than Russia. According to Vance, Europe had become too politically correct, abandoning fundamental values in the process.

Vance’s speech came as a shock to European leaders in the audience. They were not completely prepared for such a blistering attack, having thought he would focus his address largely on the war in Ukraine. The speech drew praise from Moscow, including from former Russian president and prime minister Dmitry Medvedev, and triggered a year of turmoil in transatlantic relations.

In his speech, Vance echoed Trump’s view of Europe – but it’s a view that matches his own. The vice-president has never really respected Europe. This was made clear in a series of leaked messages between Vance and other US national security officials in March 2025.

When Vance discussed plans for a military strike against Houthi forces in Yemen, which he noted posed a larger threat to European shipping than American trade, he lamented: “I hate bailing out Europe again.” Though he wrote in his 2016 memoir that visiting the UK was a childhood dream, Vance had become a Euro sceptic.

This contrasts with Rubio, who has traditionally been a strong supporter of Europe and the transatlantic alliance. Although ideologically hawkish in foreign policy, he has never been an isolationist – and has consistently backed traditional collective security institutions such as Nato.

In 2015, Rubio declared that the US must make a tough response to any Russian aggression against its Nato ally Turkey. And in 2019, he was part of a bi-partisan effort to prevent any US president from leaving the Nato alliance. He said: “It is critical to our national security and the security of our allies in Europe that the United States remain engaged and play an active role in Nato.”

This stance initially put Rubio at odds with Trump. But after Trump’s election defeat in 2020, Rubio recalibrated and slowly gained his trust. And since entering Trump’s inner circle, he has thrived. Rubio now serves as the president’s national security advisor as well as secretary of state, and has gained tremendous influence in foreign affairs.

Rubio’s delicate balance

To gain so much power, Rubio has had to be ideologically flexible. In Latin America, where his hardline stance against socialist regimes strongly aligns with Trump’s foreign policy goals, Rubio is in the driver’s seat and has largely determined what the US’s interests are. This has included pressing for the ouster of Venezuelan leader Nicolás Maduro, taking a tough stance on Cuba, and pressuring Panama to push out Chinese influence.

But outside of Latin America, Rubio has adopted a more measured communication style. He has engaged in damage control while ultimately clarifying and reinforcing Trump’s positions.

Trump prefers a world where the US acts unilaterally and ignores the rules-based international order. This has been illustrated by the US attacks on Iranian nuclear sites in 2025, as well as the more recent capture of Maduro and threats to take control of Greenland from Denmark.

Rubio tried to defuse tensions with Denmark in January, claiming the US merely wanted to purchase Greenland rather than intervene militarily. He has also toned down his hawkishness on Russia, a country Trump has sought to forge closer relations with. In 2016, Rubio had stated that the Russian president, Vladimir Putin, posed the biggest threat to global security.

As recently as 2024, Rubio praised the bravery of Ukrainians in their fight against Russia. But in his Munich address, he barely mentioned Ukraine, on which Trump has been applying pressure to end the war. Rubio also did not appear at a gathering with European allies immediately before the conference to discuss the conflict in Ukraine, claiming there was a scheduling issue.

Later, he reportedly offered Ukraine’s president Volodymyr Zelensky some assurances of US commitment. Despite also warning that Ukraine would need to accept hard concessions to end the war, this was an improvement from Vance’s past questioning of why the US was spending millions of dollars defending a “few miles of territory”.

Ultimately, while Rubio’s speech in Munich was less divisive and shocking than Vance’s a year earlier, it does not resemble any significant change in US foreign policy under Trump. The US has some shared interests with Europe, but not shared values.

The Conversation

Natasha Lindstaedt does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. In his Munich speech, Marco Rubio balanced loyalty to Trump with reassurances to Europe – https://theconversation.com/in-his-munich-speech-marco-rubio-balanced-loyalty-to-trump-with-reassurances-to-europe-275983

Carefree bachelor or incel: men are judged for being single too

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Alicia Denby, Lecturer in Sociology and Criminology, Manchester Metropolitan University

SeventyFour/Shutterstock

Reports of widespread “dating burnout” and a cultural shift towards heteropessimism – a feeling of disappointment or despair at the state of relations between men and women – have caused panic in the media and dating apps.

Cultural debates have emerged around an alleged “rise of lonely single men” and what it means for society and future generations. Some have suggested that male singleness is a social problem partly caused by women’s supposed reluctance to “settle” in heterosexual partnerships.

For women, singlehood has largely been rebranded as a time for self-love and personal growth. The “single positivity” movement has removed much of the stigma around being a single woman (at least in one’s 20s). Women are allowed to embrace freedom and reclaim singlehood as a chosen identity.

My research on singlehood in Manchester found that single men had equally chosen to be single and were happily so. But they did not feel they could embrace this positivity. Instead, they remain polarised by harmful masculine ideals that misrepresent single men as either carefree bachelors or socially dysfunctional incels (involuntary celibates).

I interviewed ten men, aged 21-55, about their experiences of being single. Lamenting the lack of nuanced or positive portrayals, Simon, in his 40s, commented that single men are typically seen to be “having sex with half the town, or one rejection away from blowing up a school”.

From the playboy trope, characterised by Barney Stinson in How I Met Your Mother, to Theodore in the 2013 film Her, a divorcee who turns to AI for companionship, single men are represented in superficial terms. This can leave men feeling as though they must prove they are neither bachelor nor incel.

Bachelors and incels

Research on men and masculinity has long shown that young men are assumed to experience a period of sexual freedom before eventually “settling down”. Masculine ideals presume men commit to a monogamous relationship only once they have “sown their wild oats”.

On this basis, we might assume that young single men rarely face judgement for being single, and are instead celebrated for pursuing a liberated and carefree lifestyle.

However, in my research, men in their 20s spoke of the challenges they faced being single. Their singlehood was often assumed to be a result of “commitment-phobia” and a reluctance to settle down, rather than their lack of desire for an intimate relationship. In comparison, single women in their 20s did not face the same assumptions, with their singlehood rather understood as “a time to put themselves first” and enjoy freedom from being “tied down”.

Distancing himself from stereotypical representations of single men as “bachelors”, Harvey, in his mid-20s, explained:

You feel like you have to justify being single at times, and it’s because you have to differentiate that you’re not one of those stereotypes, you’re not one of “those guys” who mess girls around.

Several participants noted that masculinity and sexuality felt inescapably linked. Being in a sexual couple was understood as a key marker of masculinity. As a result, some young men worried that, if they were not visibly pursuing a relationship and not regarded as a “bachelor”, they would instead be questioned about their sexuality or desirability.

A young man on a computer in a dark room
Stereotypes abound of single men.
Maya Lab/Shutterstock

Stuart, in his early 50s, described how these pressures shaped his experiences in his 30s. He was content being single as it afforded him time to focus on his career and the ability to prioritise his friendships and hobbies. But Stuart’s friends questioned his sexuality and suggested he must be gay or asexual. This experience compelled him to participate in speed dating, not out of personal desire, but to demonstrate that he was “normal”.

Others preferred to remain single as a time to “find themselves” after experiencing difficult relationships, to accommodate caring responsibilities, or simply because they enjoyed their solitude. However, their reasoning was rarely accepted by peers, who failed to accept that their singlehood was by choice.

Pressures on women to couple up are often linked to the biological clock. But accounts in my research suggest that men, too, face age-related expectations.

The expectation for men to settle down in their 30s appears less tied to biology, and more to cultural norms that view coupledom and family life as markers of successful, responsible adulthood. According to my participants, settling down with a partner is seen as conducive to “growing up”.




Read more:
Why being single might feel empowering as a woman in your 20s, but not your 30s


Sexuality and masculinity

While men were expected to display sexual interest, being perceived as too sexually active beyond a certain age was also stigmatised. Evan described how he enjoyed the experimentation of singlehood in his early 20s, but by his late 20s felt that remaining single was no longer acceptable. He felt he was increasingly viewed by peers as “sad” or “desperate”, revealing the narrow norms governing masculinity.

When mainstream culture offers few credible or positive narratives about single men’s lives, the search for recognition and belonging can be redirected elsewhere – sometimes with harmful consequences.

Simon, 41, described joining the online group “Men Going Their Own Way” (MGTOW) in search of community with other men who were single by choice. He quickly became concerned by the group’s misogynistic orientation and its links to the broader manosphere, where MGTOW can act as a gateway to incel communities. However, while Simon recognised the risks and disengaged, he worried that younger men seeking belonging might not.

It’s time we challenged reductive stereotype of singlehood and asked: why is being single treated as a social problem? We must create space for nuanced portrayals of single men beyond the bachelor or incel.

The Conversation

Alicia Denby does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Carefree bachelor or incel: men are judged for being single too – https://theconversation.com/carefree-bachelor-or-incel-men-are-judged-for-being-single-too-272479

Is social media addictive? How it keeps you clicking and the harms it can cause

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Quynh Hoang, Lecturer in Marketing and Consumption, Department of Marketing and Strategy, University of Leicester

For years, big tech companies have placed the burden of managing screen time squarely on individuals and parents, operating on the assumption that capturing human attention is fair game.

But the social media sands may slowly be shifting. A test-case jury trial in Los Angeles is accusing big tech companies of creating “addiction machines”. While TikTok and Snapchat have already settled with the 20-year-old plaintiff, Meta’s CEO, Mark Zuckerberg, is due to give evidence in the courtroom this week.

The European Commission recently issued a preliminary ruling against TikTok, stating that the app’s design – with features such as infinite scroll and autoplay – breaches the EU Digital Services Act. One industry expert told the BBC that the problem is “no longer just about toxic content, it’s about toxic design”.

Meta and other defendants have historically argued that their platforms are communication tools, not traps, and that “addiction” is a mischaracterisation of high engagement.

“I think it’s important to differentiate between clinical addiction and problematic use,” Instagram chief Adam Mosseri testified in the LA court. He noted that the field of psychology does not classify social media addiction as an official diagnosis.

Tech giants maintain that users and parents have the agency and tools to manage screen time. However, a growing body of academic research suggests features like infinite scrolling, autoplay and push notifications are engineered to override human self-control.

Video: CBS News.

A state of ‘automated attachment’

My research with colleagues on digital consumption behaviour also challenges the idea that excessive social media use is a failure of personal willpower. Through interviews with 32 self-identified excessive users and an analysis of online discussions dedicated to heavy digital use, we found that consumers frequently enter a state of “automated attachment”.

This is when connection to the device becomes purely reflexive, as conscious decision-making is effectively suspended by the platform’s design.

We found that the impulse to use these platforms sometimes occurs before the user is even fully conscious. One participant admitted: “I’m waking up, I’m not even totally conscious, and I’m already doing things on the device.”

Another described this loss of agency vividly: “I found myself mindlessly opening the [TikTok] app every time I felt even the tiniest bit bored … My thumb was reaching to its old spot on reflex, without a conscious thought.”

Social media proponents argue that “screen addiction” isn’t the same as substance abuse. However, new neurophysiological evidence suggests that frequent engagement with these algorithms alters dopamine pathways, fostering a dependency that is “analogous to substance addiction”.

Strategies that keep users engaged

The argument that users should simply exercise willpower also needs to be understood in the context of the sophisticated strategies platforms employ to keep users engaged. These include:

1. Removing stopping cues

Features like infinite scroll, autoplay and push notifications create a continuous flow of content. By eliminating natural end-points, the design effectively shifts users into autopilot mode, making stopping a viewing session more difficult.

2. Variable rewards

Similar to a slot machine, algorithms deliver intermittent, unpredictable rewards such as likes and personalised videos. This unpredictability triggers the dopamine system, creating a compulsive cycle of seeking and anticipation.

3. Social pressure

Features such as notifications and time-limited story posts have been found to exploit psychological vulnerabilities, inducing anxiety that for many users can only be relieved by checking the app. Strategies employing “emotional steering” can take advantage of psychological vulnerabilities, such as people’s fear of missing out, to instil a sense of social obligation and guilt if they attempt to disconnect.

Vulnerability in children

The issue of social media addiction is of particular concern when it comes to children, whose impulse control mechanisms are still developing. The US trial’s plaintiff says she began using social media at the age of six, and that her early exposure to these platforms led to a spiral into addiction.

A growing body of research suggests that “variable reward schedules” are especially potent for developing minds, which exhibit a heightened sensitivity to rewards. Children lack the cognitive brakes to resist these dopamine loops because their emotional regulation and impulsivity controls are still developing.

Lawyers in the US trial have pointed to internal documents, known as “Project Myst”, which allegedly show that Meta knew parental controls were ineffective against these engagement loops. Meta’s attorney, Paul Schmidt, countered that the plaintiff’s struggles stemmed from pre-existing childhood trauma rather than platform design.

The company has long argued that it provides parents with “robust tools at their fingertips”, and that the primary issue is “behavioural” – because many parents fail to use them.

Our study heard from many adults (mainly in their 20s) who described the near-impossibility of controlling levels of use, despite their best efforts. If these adults cannot stop opening apps on reflex, expecting a child to exercise restraint with apps that affect human neurophysiology seems even more unrealistic.

Potential harms of overuse

The consequences of social media overuse can be significant. Our research and recent studies have identified a wide range of potential harms.

These include “psychological entrapment”. Participants in our study described a “feedback loop of doom and despair”. Users can turn to platforms to escape anxiety, only to find that the scrolling deepens their feelings of emptiness and isolation.

Excessive exposure to rapidly changing, highly stimulating content can fracture the user’s attention span, making it harder to focus on complex real-world tasks.

And many users describe feeling “defeated” by the technology. Social media’s erosion of autonomy can leave people unable to align their online actions – such as overlong sessions – with their intentions.

A ruling against social media companies in the LA court case, or enforced redesign of their apps in the EU, could have profound implications for the way these platforms are operated in future.

But while big tech companies have grown at dizzying rates over the past two decades, attempts to rein in their products on both sides of the Atlantic remain slow and painstaking. In this era of “use first, legislate later”, people all over the world, of all ages, are the laboratory mice.

The Conversation

Quynh Hoang does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Is social media addictive? How it keeps you clicking and the harms it can cause – https://theconversation.com/is-social-media-addictive-how-it-keeps-you-clicking-and-the-harms-it-can-cause-276022

How blast waves can damage the brain without a head injury

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Arshad Majid, Professor of Cerebrovascular Neurology, School of Medicine and Population Health, University of Sheffield

akramalrasny/Shutterstock

An explosion does not need to strike the head to injure the brain. When a blast occurs, it generates a sudden pressure wave that can pass through the body and skull in milliseconds, potentially deforming brain tissue and blood vessels along the way.

For soldiers exposed to improvised explosive devices or other blasts, and civilians caught in industrial accidents or explosions in conflict zones, the neurological effects can be long-lasting – even when brain scans appear normal.

Blast injuries can trigger changes in the brain and its blood vessels that standard medical scans do not always detect. When these injuries go unrecognised, people may receive the wrong care or be left without an explanation for symptoms that persist for years.

Most people are familiar with traumatic brain injuries caused by impacts such as falls, road traffic collisions or sports injuries. In these situations, the brain moves suddenly within the skull, leading to bruising or localised damage that can often be seen on scans.

Blast injury works differently. The rapid rise and fall in pressure created by an explosion can travel through the skull and the fluid that surrounds and cushions the brain. This generates complex mechanical forces that stretch and strain brain tissue. As a result, someone can sustain a brain injury even without any direct blow to the head.

Rather than producing one clearly visible injury, blast exposure tends to cause widespread microscopic damage. These tiny injuries can disrupt how brain cells communicate with each other, and can also damage the blood vessels that keep brain tissue healthy.

Although blast injury is often associated with military settings, it is not confined to war zones. Civilians may be exposed through industrial explosions, terrorist attacks or demolition work. In all these situations, the underlying mechanisms of brain injury are similar.

Despite these differences, blast injuries are often managed in the same way as concussions or other head injuries. When damage to blood vessels is overlooked, the severity of the injury and its long-term impact can be underestimated.

More sensitive diagnostic tools, including advanced imaging and specialised blood tests, could improve detection of subtle blood vessel damage. This would allow for more targeted treatment aimed at reducing inflammation, protecting the brain’s circulation, and ensuring patients receive appropriate long-term care.

Blast-related brain injury can also disrupt the brain’s waste-clearance system. This system normally removes harmful proteins and metabolic waste. When it is impaired, vulnerability to long-term post-concussion symptoms and neurodegenerative diseases may increase.

Brain blood vessels are especially vulnerable

One of the most important, and often overlooked, consequences of blast injury is damage to the brain’s blood vessels.

Blood vessels are thin-walled and flexible, allowing them to cope with normal changes in blood flow and pressure. During a blast, however, the rapid pressure shifts can stretch these vessels beyond their limits. This can cause tiny tears and weaken the protective barrier that normally prevents harmful substances in the bloodstream from entering brain tissue.

This protective layer, often called the blood–brain barrier, plays a crucial role in controlling what passes from the blood into the brain. When it is damaged, inflammatory cells and proteins can leak into brain tissue.

The resulting inflammation may persist long after the initial injury, interfering with normal brain function. Over time, this can contribute to symptoms such as headaches, memory problems, difficulty concentrating, slowed thinking, mood changes and fatigue.

Damage to the blood–brain barrier may help explain why some people experience ongoing symptoms months or even years after blast exposure.

Why scans can appear normal

One of the most frustrating experiences for people with blast-related brain injury is being told that their CT or MRI scan is normal, despite persistent symptoms.

Standard imaging techniques are very good at detecting fractures, bleeding or large areas of tissue damage. Blast injuries, however, often involve microscopic changes such as small vessel damage, disruption to communication between brain cells, and ongoing inflammation. These changes are usually too subtle to be seen on routine scans.

This mismatch between symptoms and imaging can delay diagnosis, complicate rehabilitation and, in some cases, affect access to appropriate support or compensation.

Researchers are increasingly using laboratory models and real-world data to understand how blast forces affect the brain and its circulation. Long-term studies are beginning to show how early damage to blood vessels may evolve into lasting neurological problems.

Progress will require close collaboration between neuroscientists, clinicians, emergency services and policymakers. Blast injury is not only a military concern. It offers broader insights into how pressure-related forces damage the brain, and how these injuries might be prevented or treated.

Recognising blast injury as a distinct form of brain trauma, particularly one that affects the brain’s blood vessels, is a crucial step towards improving care for those affected.

The Conversation

Arshad Majid is a NIHR Senior Investigator and his research is funded by the NIHR EME programme and the NIHR Sheffield BRC. His research is also funded by the Stroke Association UK.

Favour Felix-Ilemhenbhio receives funding from the British Heart Foundation (BHF).

Klaudia Kocsy receives funding from Alzheimer’s Research UK.

ref. How blast waves can damage the brain without a head injury – https://theconversation.com/how-blast-waves-can-damage-the-brain-without-a-head-injury-274238