The Other Bennet Sister: this fresh take on Pride and Prejudice transforms the overlooked Mary

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Andrew McInnes, Reader in Romanticisms, Edge Hill University

When Lizzy Bennet, the witty sister in Jane Austen’s Pride and Prejudice (1813), asks: “What are men to rocks and mountains?” she is thinking about ways of understanding self and world through the notion of the sublime.

The sublime was one of the key 18th-century philosophical ideas of Romanticism, balancing our physical insignificance next to something majestic like a mountain, with our imaginative capacity to conceptualise it. Lizzy is trying to get over her own and her sister Jane’s heartbreak by thinking beyond herself to the wider world of nature around her.

The philosopher Sianne Ngai claims that the notion of the sublime no longer holds any force. Instead, today’s culture replaces the idea with concepts that have a weaker emotional impact on us, such as the “zany”, the “cute” and the “interesting”.

For big hits, social media demands zany personalities and cute images. And to say something is “interesting” might actually indicate that you find the topic boring. In her book Our Aesthetic Categories, Ngai basically argues that 21st-century capitalist society has no time for the ecstatic experience of the sublime.

Although the new BBC TV series The Other Bennet Sister – adapted from Janice Hadlow’s 2020 novel – is a development and continuation of Austen’s novel, the programme steers clear of the sublime and the beautiful and focuses especially on the “cute”.

The Other Bennet Sister starts where Pride and Prejudice also begins. The local grand house Netherfield Park is being let at last, causing much excitement over the identity of the new tenant and the potential opportunities for socialising they may provide.

Focusing on Mary Bennet, the mousy pedantic sister who remains unmarried at the end of Austen’s novel, the TV drama quickly dispatches with the plot of Pride and Prejudice in the first two episodes. Mary is left standing with her mother and father as the rest of her sisters get married.

But Mr Bennet (Richard E. Grant) dies and the sisters’ cousin Mr Collins (Ryan Sampson) and his wife descend on Longbourn to claim the Bennet family home as their own. So Mary is sent to London to stay with her aunt and uncle, the kindly Gardiners in Gracechurch Street.

In London, Mary begins to to enjoy herself and have her own adventures, and crucially, find out who she is – if she’s not the witty one (Lizzy), the beautiful one (Jane), the good-humoured one (Kitty), or the lively one (Lydia). In this BBC incarnation, Mary is the cute, endearing one.

A different perspective

The first episode rewrites Austen’s novel from Mary’s perspective, with her cutting a lonely and drab figure next to the pastel couples of Lizzy and Jane, and Kitty and Lydia. Ruth Jones’s Mrs Bennet is transformed from a character beset by nerves to a woman with nerves of steel. She forbids Mary a cute romance with her optician, or from flirting with Mr Collins as the formidable matriarch has set her sights on him marrying Lizzy (who, of course, will not have the pompous bore).

The Other Bennet Sister makes Mary’s sisters seem distant and shallow, and focuses on her struggles with self-esteem in response to their lack of notice. Like Hill, the Bennet servant you can tell likes Mary best, you just want to give her a hug. In a neat twist, Hill is played by Lucy Briers, who played Mary herself in the BBC’s famous 1995 Pride and Prejudice series.

In London, Mary starts to overcome her awkwardness and self-consciousness under the care of the Mr and Mrs Gardiner, played with verve by Richard Coyle and Indira Varma. She nervously begins a romance with Mr Tom Hayward (Dónal Finn) only to discover he is already engaged.

The show hints heavily that this engagement has faded in intensity like Sense and Sensibility’s Edward Ferrars with Lucy Steele, though Amy Baxter, played by Doctor Who’s Varada Sethu, is far nicer than the two-faced Lucy. By the end of the fifth episode, before she is called away to look after her ailing mother, Mary has found herself in a love triangle.

Throughout the series, Mary wonders just who she is. The audience, along with sensitive characters like Mrs Gardiner, already know: she is kind, funny, caring and thoughtful. In today’s parlance, she’s cute.

There is a sublime moment when Tom tries to cheer Mary up from one of her bouts of self-doubt. He arranges for Mr and Mrs Gardiner and Mary to enter a secret garden, where he reads Wordsworth’s poem Composed Upon Westminster Bridge:

Earth has not any thing to show more fair:

Dull would he be of soul who could pass by

A sight so touching in its majesty:

This City now doth, like a garment, wear

The beauty of the morning; silent, bare,

Ships, towers, domes, theatres, and temples lie

Open unto the fields, and to the sky;

All bright and glittering in the smokeless air.

Mary is moved to tears and it is clear to the audience, if not Mary or even Tom, that when he uses Wordsworth’s words to describe London, he is also describing Mary. Again, for the viewer, this is cute.

It’s clear The Other Bennet Sister is shaping up to be a classic reimagining of Pride and Prejudice, transforming the overlooked Mary Bennet into something and somebody else: as bright and glittering as the Thames in Wordsworth’s poem.

This article features references to books that have been included for editorial reasons, and may contain links to bookshop.org; if you click on one of the links and go on to buy something, The Conversation UK may earn a commission.

The Conversation

Andrew McInnes received funding from AHRC for the Early Career Researcher Leadership Fellow project, ‘The Romantic Ridiculous, running from 2020-2022, and thinking about the funny side of Romantic Studies.

ref. The Other Bennet Sister: this fresh take on Pride and Prejudice transforms the overlooked Mary – https://theconversation.com/the-other-bennet-sister-this-fresh-take-on-pride-and-prejudice-transforms-the-overlooked-mary-278555

British children are getting taller – and obesity may be the cause

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Andrew Moscrop, Primary Care Researcher, University of Oxford

New Africa/Shutterstock.com

British children are not getting shorter, despite claims to the contrary. In fact, they are getting taller.

But this is not good news. When my colleagues and I analysed national data on child height, we found that the trend is largely explained by rising childhood obesity and widening inequalities.

Claims that British children are becoming shorter than their European peers have circulated widely in recent years. These concerns were often linked to suggestions that poor diet and food insecurity were harming children’s growth. But when we examined the available data, we found that many of these claims relied on incomplete or misinterpreted evidence.

To understand what was really happening, we analysed height data from the child measurement programmes that operate across Britain. These programmes measure the height and weight of children in their first year of state school and again in their final year of primary education. In England alone, around 600,000 children aged four to five are measured each year. Children aged ten to 11 are also measured – another 600,000 pupils annually.

Together, these programmes create an unusually rich dataset. The annual measurement of more than a million children provides one of the most comprehensive sources of child growth data anywhere in the world. Using freedom of information requests and official releases, my colleagues and I obtained all available height data from these programmes.

The pandemic effect

When we analysed the data we found two surprising results.

First, child height increased dramatically during the COVID pandemic. At first we suspected this might be a quirk of the data. School closures disrupted measurement programmes, meaning children were often measured later than usual – and therefore at slightly older ages.

But even after correcting for the children’s ages at measurement, the increase remained. The rise in height during COVID was seen among boys and girls, across levels of deprivation and most ethnic groups and localities.

Average height of 11-year-olds in England

Why did child height increase during COVID? The answer appears to be obesity. Obesity causes hormonal changes that accelerate child growth, meaning that obese children often grow taller faster than their healthy-weight peers.

Lockdowns are already known to have led to a surge in childhood obesity. Our analysis suggests they also led to a surge in child height. Among girls aged 11 in England, average height increased from 146.6cm to 148cm between the 2019–20 and 2020–21 school years, while the proportion of overweight or obese children in this group rose from 35.2% to 40.9%.

The second surprising finding was that even before COVID, average child height in Britain had been gradually increasing. At first this appeared encouraging – particularly because the largest increases were seen among children living in deprived areas.

But again the explanation appears to be obesity.

In England’s most deprived areas, the average height of 11-year-old boys increased by 1.7cm – from 144.4cm to 146.1cm – between 2009–10 and 2023–24. Over the same period, the proportion of children who were overweight or obese increased from 37.7% to 43.3%.

Similar patterns can be seen in Scotland. Childhood obesity rates have increased in deprived areas while declining in more affluent ones, widening the health gap between them.

Height gains linked to childhood obesity do not signal better health. Obese children often enter puberty earlier and stop growing sooner, and they face increased risks of chronic diseases such as diabetes and heart disease later in life.

The role of inequality

These trends reflect deeper inequalities. While everyone’s access to outdoor spaces was restricted during the COVID lockdowns, poorer families face many other pressures that drive weight gain – and those don’t go away.

Children in deprived areas are more exposed to unhealthy food outlets and have fewer healthy food sources. They often have less access to safe outdoor spaces where they can play and exercise safely, and children’s services have been cut back – most severely in the areas that need them most.

British children may not be shrinking, but their growth is not good news.

Child height can no longer be assumed to signal good health. In Britain today, rising average height among children reflects rising childhood obesity and deepening inequality. If we want children to grow up healthy, we need to address child poverty, inequality and the environments children grow up in.

The Conversation

Andrew Moscrop does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. British children are getting taller – and obesity may be the cause – https://theconversation.com/british-children-are-getting-taller-and-obesity-may-be-the-cause-277917

Saturday Night Live has thrived in the US for 50 years – but a British SNL faces an uphill battle

Source: The Conversation – UK – By William Garbett, PhD Candidate in History, Lancaster University

A tall, well-built man saunters past a band and onto the stage. He is handsome and slick, the parody of an American talk show host. Magnanimously he interviews the band, only to cut off one guitarist, patronise another and upstage the saxophonist with a mimed solo. And so, Swedish actor Alexander Skarsgård opened the 1,000th episode of the American sketch show Saturday Night Live (or SNL) on January 31.

SNL is essentially a variety show, with sketches, a bit of stand-up and live music from bestselling artists. Although streaming has revolutionised how we consume television, almost as many American viewers are tuning in to SNL as they were ten years ago. The programme – which has run on the US commercial TV channel NBC since 1975 – clearly has staying power.

Clips from SNL have long been available to British audiences on YouTube, and full episodes are often available on streaming services. But on March 21, Sky will broadcast a British adaptation of the programme. The received wisdom is that British and American humour mixes poorly, and the decision to adapt SNL for the British market has been met with some derision.

The Today Show discusses the cast of SNL UK.

British comedy is sometimes judged too “acerbic” for American tastes. When adapted word-for-word for the American market, it can be disastrous (think the 2005 US Peep Show pilot, featuring Johnny Galecki, or the 2012 US adaptation of The Inbetweeners). Often, these adaptations require changes in tone to be successful. In the US version of TV comedy series The Office, Steve Carrel’s Michael Scott is much more likeable than Ricky Gervais’ David Brent.

Some American comedies are popular in Britain, and repeats of sitcoms like The Simpsons and Brooklyn Nine-Nine dominate E4’s afternoon scheduling. But, American programmes (and SNL sketches) can leave British audiences bemused, or even offended, as happened with a recent sketch making fun of the Mancunian White Lotus star Aimee Lou Wood’s teeth. In my opinion, there are no good examples of an American comedy successfully adapted for a British audience.

No laughing matter

The format of SNL – which will presumably be the format of SNL UK – isn’t the problem. It is reminiscent of the British “alternative cabaret” scene of the 1970s and 1980s (in part inspired by a Los Angeles club called the Comedy Store) that featured young, political comedians and alternative music. It launched the careers of the likes of English comedians Alexei Sayle and Dawn French.

This movement ( which is covered in depth in the book Alternative Comedy by Oliver Double) inspired a British television show much like SNL called Saturday Live (1986-88). It made comedians including Ben Elton and Harry Enfield household names.

It is the glamour and the tone of American comedy that might make the transition to British television difficult, however. In Britain, there is nothing quite like the sometimes-comfortable American relationship between entertainment, politics and satire.

Donald Trump’s opening monologue from 2015.

Many of SNL’s hosts – like Skarsgård – are celebrities rather than comedians, with Timothée Chalamet, Scarlett Johansson and Ariana Grande hosting in recent years. More intriguingly, politicians occasionally host SNL. The most notable example of this is Donald Trump, who hosted during the run-up to the Republican primaries in the autumn of 2015. But Hilary Clinton, Elizabeth Warren and Bernie Sanders have also appeared.

British comedies are less sympathetic towards those with political or cultural power. In 1997 and 2001, Chris Morris’s mockumentary, Brass Eye lured politicians and celebrities into lending their credibility to public information campaigns around fake but plausible moral panics. This resulted in the late MP David Amess earnestly raising a question about an invented drug in parliament and in football pundit Gary Lineker reading out some bizarre fake paedophile slang. In the last few years, Diane Morgan’s satirical Netlix show Philomena Cunk has confronted academics with the absurdity of their expertise.

Some British politicians appear on panel shows – it is one way to raise their profile or to humanise themselves – but it is hard to say whether this has ever translated into political success in the short term. A notable exception to the rule could be Boris Johnson, who appeared seven times on the BBC’s long-running satirical panel show Have I Got News for you between 1998 and 2006.

Last year, the leader of the Liberal Democrats Sir Ed Davey appeared on Have I Got News for You, but was taken to task over his failure to investigate the Post Office scandal while serving as minister for postal affairs in the 2010-15 coalition government.

SNL regularly attracts high-profile politicians, and Americans are used to seeing people in power on satirical television. In 2004, the progressive senator John Edwards chose to launch his (unsuccessful) presidential bid on John Stewart’s The Daily Show, while in 2008 Senator Hilary Clinton chose to appear on Stewart’s programme on the eve of the Ohio and Texas primaries (which she won – but she did not win the Democrat nomination).

American comedy is more glamorous, and while spectacle has little relationship to success, there is perhaps a little more deference for politicians on American TV. As former president Barack Obama neared the end of his second term in 2016, he appeared on The Tonight Show Starring Jimmy Fallon, delivering his thoughts on his presidency and that year’s election over a live band.

British politics is less spectacular than its American counterpart. It is difficult to imagine Keir Starmer (or even Boris Johnson) delivering an opening monologue to musical accompaniment. And, it is even more difficult to imagine British voters rewarding it, especially at a time when our politics is already saturated with viral moments and attempts at forced authenticity.

As a tried and tested format SNL UK will hopefully raise the profile of young comedians, but is it going to be able to thread the needle of American spectacle and British cynicism? We’ll have to tune in to see.

This article features references to books that have been included for editorial reasons, and may contain links to bookshop.org. If you click on one of the links and go on to buy something from bookshop.org The Conversation UK may earn a commission.

The Conversation

William Garbett does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Saturday Night Live has thrived in the US for 50 years – but a British SNL faces an uphill battle – https://theconversation.com/saturday-night-live-has-thrived-in-the-us-for-50-years-but-a-british-snl-faces-an-uphill-battle-277286

Can Wales’ wellbeing law survive the pressures of the next Senedd election?

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Lowri Sian Wilkie, Postdoctoral Research Fellow in Psychology, Swansea University

jax10289/Shutterstock

With the Senedd (Welsh parliament) election due in May, Wales faces a test of whether long-term thinking can survive short-term political pressure.

In 2015, Wales made a bold move. Through the Well-being of Future Generations Act prevention was written into Welsh law, requiring public bodies to consider how today’s decisions shape the wellbeing of future generations.

It requires them to set wellbeing objectives, work across organisational boundaries and prioritise prevention over short-term reaction. Success is measured not only through economic growth but through health, equality, environmental resilience and strong communities.

Take Sian, aged 41, who lives in Swansea and was one of the participants in our recent study. She works full time, has two children, doesn’t sleep enough and had stopped exercising. After rising blood pressure and a health scare, she was introduced to a local community coordinator.

They met for coffee, then walked to a small Sunday sea swim. The first time, the coordinator went into the water with her. Sian was hooked. Through the group she met other women. She now helps organise the swims, and her children go to the beach in all weathers. What began as a referral became part of her life and community.

What shifted was not just her blood pressure, but her connection to movement, people and place. Our research on local area coordination suggests this relationship-centred support can strengthen wellbeing, confidence and social ties before problems escalate into crises.

If this type of preventive work is scaled back, crises may become more frequent and costs may rise, leading to further pressure on hospitals and social care. Health and social care already consume more than half of the Welsh government’s budget. With services stretched and more people living longer with complex needs, that path is not sustainable.

Politically fragile

Passing a law is one thing. Changing how an entire system behaves is another. Politics naturally pulls towards the immediate. Election cycles are short and budgets are set year by year. Members of the Senedd must respond to urgent concerns from voters. Visible problems demand visible progress.

Prevention, by contrast, produces quieter results that often emerge slowly and may not appear within a single parliamentary term. Implementation is also hard. Frontline services and staff are stretched. Legislation can set direction, but embedding change in strained organisations requires sustained backing, culture change and investment.

Public attention follows the same pattern. When uncertainty rises, attention narrows. Waiting lists, rising living costs and visible migration are immediate and emotionally charged. Policies designed to reduce future risk can feel abstract by comparison.

Psychological research helps explain this. Studies suggest that when people feel under threat, they look for stories that explain what is happening and who is responsible. These narratives can restore a sense of control, but they may also simplify complex problems into clear lines of blame.

For a policy built around prevention, this creates a difficult political environment. Polarised debate tends to reward immediate fixes and simple villains rather than the slower work of building the conditions that allow people to stay well.

The exterior of the Senedd in Cardiff Bay.
Wales heads to the polls on May 7.
Leighton Collins/Shutterstock

The Wales the Act imagines

The wellbeing approach takes a broader view of health. Rather than seeing health solely as an individual responsibility, it recognises that wellbeing is shaped by social and environmental conditions. In other words, safe neighbourhoods, strong communities and access to nature.

International evidence suggests that investing earlier in community support can reduce pressure on crisis services. Wales is now exploring a similar redesign, but it will require leadership support and investment.

Research published in 2023 that had followed Welsh communities over a decade found better mental health in greener neighbourhoods, particularly in more deprived areas. Access to nature improves wellbeing directly and can also strengthen people’s sense of connection to the environment, which in turn encourages more sustainable behaviour.

These insights are already influencing local initiatives. Our work has embedded neurorehabilitation – support for people recovering from brain injury or neurological illness – into everyday community life through partnerships between health services and local organisations.

Ecotherapy programmes have been developed through relationships with locally valued initiatives, including community farms and a surfing charity that works with the coastline as part of recovery.

The aim is a shift from simply fixing what is “wrong” to rebuilding agency, purpose and connection. These are all factors linked to resilience and reduced demand on services over time.




Read more:
A decade on, six things the world can learn from Wales’ innovative future generations law


Our work also incorporates “biophilic” design – architecture that integrates greenery, natural light and outdoor spaces into buildings – into social housing developments. This work is re-imagining preventive health by bringing nature into our cities, offering residents an opportunity to reconnect to nature, tend to community gardens and grow their own food.

The goal is what we refer to as “sustainable wellbeing”, which means improving health while also nurturing the skills and mindsets needed for a more sustainable future.

Wales is making decisions amid overlapping crises, including widening inequality, rising chronic illness and the accelerating effects of climate change. In this context, the Well-being of Future Generations Act is either a framework for building more resilient systems, or a piece of legislation that is often praised but rarely followed.

Governments ultimately decide whether prevention is protected when finances tighten. But voters shape those choices too. A question facing this Senedd election is whether the Act continues to guide party manifestos, budgets and service design, or slips behind the pressure for immediate solutions.

On May 7, Wales will not only choose its representatives. It will also decide whether the wellbeing of people – and the planet they depend on – remains at the heart of public decision-making.

The Conversation

Lowri Wilkie is a Post-Doctoral Research Fellow in Psychology at Swansea University. She is funded by the Welsh Graduate School for the Social Sciences.

Andrew H. Kemp has previously received funding from Health and Care Research Wales and currently receives funding from the Arts and Humanities Research Council, including support for research on biophilic living, sustainable wellbeing and wellbeing policy. He is Professor of Psychology at Swansea University and holds an honorary clinical research appointment with Swansea Bay University Health Board. He is a member of the Green Party of England and Wales in a personal capacity.

Zoe Fisher has previously received funding from Health Care Research Wales. She is employed by Swansea Bay University Health board and seconded to the West Glamorgan Regional Partnership Board. She also holds an Associate Professor role at Swansea University.

ref. Can Wales’ wellbeing law survive the pressures of the next Senedd election? – https://theconversation.com/can-wales-wellbeing-law-survive-the-pressures-of-the-next-senedd-election-276121

Los ataques contra hospitales están aumentando en las zonas de guerra: ¿los protege lo suficiente la ley?

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Shannon Bosch, Associate Professor (Law), Edith Cowan University

Afganistán afirma que al menos 400 personas han muerto en un ataque aéreo pakistaní contra un hospital de rehabilitación de drogadictos en Kabul el lunes por la noche, con posiblemente cientos más de heridos.

Pakistán ha negado haber atacado deliberadamente el centro sanitario. En un comunicado en la red social X, el Ministerio de Información y Radiodifusión de Pakistán afirmó que los ataques “se dirigieron específicamente contra instalaciones militares e infraestructuras de apoyo a los terroristas, incluidos los almacenes de equipo técnico y municiones de los talibanes afganos”.

Sea como fuere, los ataques contra centros sanitarios están aumentando en todo el mundo.

El 14 de marzo, un ataque aéreo israelí alcanzó un centro sanitario en el Líbano, matando a 12 médicos, enfermeros y paramédicos. El ataque elevó a 31 el número de trabajadores sanitarios muertos en el Líbano en los últimos días.

Veintisiete ataques contra centros sanitarios en menos de tres semanas

Desde principios de marzo, la Organización Mundial de la Salud (OMS) ha verificado 27 ataques contra centros sanitarios solo en el Líbano, a medida que los ataques israelíes en el Líbano y las operaciones conjuntas de EE. UU. e Israel en Irán se han intensificado.

La Oficina del Alto Comisionado para los Derechos Humanos (ACNUDH) y la OMS condenaron estos ataques como violaciones del derecho internacional.

Exactamente, ¿qué leyes protegen a las instalaciones médicas, al personal y a los pacientes durante los conflictos? ¿Y pierden esta protección si las instalaciones se utilizan para dar refugio a combatientes?

Lo que dicen las “leyes de la guerra” sobre la protección de los hospitales

El derecho internacional humanitario contiene normas detalladas para proteger al personal médico, las instalaciones sanitarias y a los enfermos y heridos durante los conflictos armados.

Según estas “leyes de la guerra”:

  • El personal médico, incluidos médicos, enfermeros y paramédicos, debe ser respetado y protegido mientras desempeña sus funciones

  • Existen protecciones especiales para las ambulancias y los medios de transporte utilizados exclusivamente con fines médicos

  • Estas protecciones se extienden a los heridos y enfermos a su cargo. Esto incluye a los combatientes enemigos que requieran tratamiento y ya no participen en las hostilidades

  • Se debe permitir a las organizaciones humanitarias imparciales prestar asistencia médica. No se puede denegar arbitrariamente el consentimiento para su labor

  • Las instalaciones médicas deben exhibir los emblemas distintivos de protección de la Cruz Roja, la Media Luna Roja o el Cristal Rojo. El personal médico debe llevar identificaciones y brazaletes que muestren estos emblemas

  • El uso indebido de estos símbolos para proteger operaciones militares está prohibido. Hacerlo puede constituir “perfidia”, un tipo de engaño deliberado que constituye un crimen de guerra según el derecho internacional

  • Atacar deliberadamente al personal médico o a las instalaciones que exhiban estos emblemas también puede constituir un crimen de guerra.

Vidrios rotos rodean una sala de hospital dañada.
Daños causados por los ataques estadounidenses e israelíes al Hospital Shahid Motahhari de Teherán.
Anadolu/Getty

¿De dónde provienen estas normas?

Las leyes que protegen los servicios médicos en la guerra surgieron como respuesta al enorme sufrimiento presenciado en los conflictos de los siglos XIX y XX. El primer tratado que protegía a los soldados heridos y al personal médico se remonta a 1864, cuando los Estados adoptaron el Convenio de Ginebra original.

Hoy en día, los Convenios de Ginebra de 1949 y sus Protocolos Adicionales, junto con un conjunto de normas de derecho internacional consuetudinario, conforman un marco jurídico casi universal que vincula a todas las partes en conflicto. Esto incluye a los grupos armados no estatales.

Estas normas exigen a las partes beligerantes que respeten y protejan al personal médico, las instalaciones sanitarias y los heridos y enfermos en todas las circunstancias.

¿Por qué están aumentando los ataques contra la asistencia sanitaria?

En enero, Médicos Sin Fronteras (MSF) informó de que los ataques contra instalaciones y personal médico habían alcanzado niveles sin precedentes en todo el mundo. Solo en 2025 se produjeron 1348 ataques contra instalaciones sanitarias, el doble de los registrados en 2024.

La ley en sí no ha cambiado, pero la guerra sí. Los recientes conflictos en Sudán del Sur, Ucrania, Gaza, Irán y el Líbano se están produciendo en entornos urbanos densamente poblados. Los grupos armados operan en entornos civiles complejos, a menudo cerca de hospitales y clínicas.

Esto ha cambiado el discurso utilizado por algunas de las partes beligerantes. Lo que antes se describía como “ataques erróneos” ahora se justifica con frecuencia por motivos de necesidad militar. Los Estados suelen alegar que los insurgentes están utilizando hospitales o ambulancias para obtener ventaja militar.

Israel, por ejemplo, ha acusado a Hezbolá y Hamás de utilizar la infraestructura médica con fines militares.

¿Pueden los hospitales perder su protección si hay combatientes escondidos en su interior?

En efecto, los hospitales pueden perder su protección especial si se utilizan, al margen de su función humanitaria, para causar daño al enemigo. Sin embargo, la ley establece un umbral muy alto para ello.

El personal médico puede llevar armas ligeras para su defensa propia. También puede haber guardias armados presentes para proteger las instalaciones. Y la presencia de combatientes heridos que reciben tratamiento no cambia esto: las protecciones siguen siendo aplicables.

La protección solo puede perderse si los hospitales se utilizan para actividades tales como:

  • Lanzar ataques.

  • Servir como puesto de observación.

  • Almacenar armas.

  • Actuar como centro de mando o de enlace.

  • Dar refugio a combatientes sanos.

Incluso en esas situaciones, en caso de duda, se debe presumir que los hospitales están protegidos.

Es importante destacar que el hecho de verificar que un hospital está siendo utilizado indebidamente no da carta blanca a las partes para atacar. Antes de lanzar un ataque contra un centro médico comprometido, el derecho internacional humanitario exige que se emita una advertencia y que se conceda un tiempo razonable para que cese el uso indebido.

Si se ignora la advertencia, la parte atacante debe seguir cumpliendo los principios fundamentales del derecho internacional humanitario:

  1. Proporcionalidad: La ventaja militar esperada debe sopesarse frente a las consecuencias humanitarias del ataque. Esto incluye los impactos a largo plazo en los servicios de atención sanitaria. Si el daño civil esperado fuera excesivo, el ataque debe cancelarse.

  2. Precaución: Deben tomarse todas las precauciones posibles para minimizar el daño a los pacientes y al personal médico. Esto puede incluir facilitar las evacuaciones, planificar ante la interrupción de los servicios médicos y ayudar a restablecer la capacidad sanitaria tras el ataque.

Incluso cuando un centro pierda su protección, los heridos y los enfermos deben seguir siendo respetados y protegidos.

¿Se están normalizando los ataques contra la asistencia sanitaria?

El Consejo de Seguridad de la ONU, la OMS, MSF y el ACNUDH han expresado su preocupación por el hecho de que los ataques contra el personal y las instalaciones médicas —y la falta de rendición de cuentas por ellos— se están normalizando de forma peligrosa.

El marco jurídico que protege a los hospitales y al personal sanitario ya existe. Los Estados y los grupos armados deben difundir la ley y formar a sus fuerzas militares.

Se espera que los sistemas jurídicos nacionales investiguen y enjuicien a quienes cometan crímenes de guerra contra heridos y enfermos, personal médico y sus instalaciones, o hagan un uso indebido de los emblemas de protección para obtener ventaja militar.

En la práctica, sin embargo, investigar los ataques durante un conflicto activo es extremadamente difícil. Los Estados territoriales a menudo no están dispuestos o no pueden llevar a cabo los enjuiciamientos.

¿Podemos revertir esta tendencia?

Grupos de investigación de código abierto como Forensic Architecture, Bellingcat, Mnemonics y Airwars desempeñan ahora un papel cada vez más importante en la conservación de imágenes satelitales, datos de geolocalización y vídeos subidos a las redes sociales. Esto permite que las misiones independientes de verificación de hechos lleven a cabo investigaciones fiables. Pueden exigir responsabilidades incluso cuando los Estados territoriales no están dispuestos a hacerlo o no pueden hacerlo.

Sin esa rendición de cuentas, los lugares destinados a salvar vidas durante los conflictos pueden convertirse en objetivos cada vez más.

The Conversation

Shannon Bosch no recibe salario, ni ejerce labores de consultoría, ni posee acciones, ni recibe financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y ha declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado.

ref. Los ataques contra hospitales están aumentando en las zonas de guerra: ¿los protege lo suficiente la ley? – https://theconversation.com/los-ataques-contra-hospitales-estan-aumentando-en-las-zonas-de-guerra-los-protege-lo-suficiente-la-ley-278714

Une étude affirme que la viande pourrait réduire le risque de décès par cancer… Vraiment ?

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Ahmed Elbediwy, Senior Lecturer in Cancer Biology & Clinical Biochemistry, Kingston University

Une étude sur les protéines animales a été vue comme un feu vert pour manger plus de viande. Pas si vite, prévient un expert. (lightpoet/Shutterstock)

Depuis longtemps, les autorités sanitaires mettent en garde contre la consommation de viande rouge, classée par l’Organisation mondiale de la santé (OMS) comme « probablement cancérigène pour l’humain ». Mais une nouvelle étude controversée remet en cause cette position et avance que les protéines animales pourraient, au contraire, réduire la mortalité liée au cancer.

Le Centre international de recherche sur le cancer (CIRC), qui fait partie de l’OMS, classe depuis des années la viande rouge, notamment le bœuf, le porc, l’agneau et le mouton, comme probablement cancérigène. Les viandes transformées telles que le bacon et les saucisses sont quant à elles classées comme cancérigènes avérés. Ce classement reflète un ensemble d’études établissant un lien entre la viande rouge et le cancer colorectal, sur lesquelles reposent les recommandations de modérer sa consommation.

Pourtant, une nouvelle étude menée par l’Université McMaster, en Ontario, suggère le contraire : les personnes qui consomment davantage de protéines animales pourraient en fait avoir un taux de mortalité par cancer plus faible. Mais avant de vous précipiter pour acheter un paquet de saucisses, quelques points importants méritent attention.

Des conclusions à relativiser

Les méthodes de cette étude comportent des limites qui nuancent ses conclusions. Plutôt que d’examiner spécifiquement la viande rouge, les chercheurs ont analysé la consommation de « protéines animales », une catégorie large qui comprend la viande rouge, la volaille, le poisson, les œufs et les produits laitiers. Cette distinction est importante, car le poisson, en particulier les variétés grasses telles que le maquereau et les sardines, est associé à une protection contre le cancer.

En regroupant toutes les protéines animales, l’étude a peut-être mis en évidence les effets protecteurs du poisson et de certains produits laitiers plutôt que de prouver la sécurité de la viande rouge.

Les produits laitiers eux-mêmes présentent un tableau complexe dans la recherche sur le cancer. Certaines études suggèrent qu’ils réduisent le risque de cancer colorectal tout en augmentant potentiellement le risque de cancer de la prostate. Ces contradictions montrent combien la catégorie « protéines animales » occulte des différences majeures.

Cette étude, financée par la National Cattlemen’s Beef Association, le principal groupe de pression de l’industrie bovine américaine, comporte d’autres limites. Notamment, les chercheurs n’ont pas distingué les viandes transformées des viandes non transformées, une nuance que de nombreuses études considèrent essentielle.

Les viandes transformées comme le bacon, les saucisses et les charcuteries augmentent systématiquement le risque de cancer par rapport aux morceaux frais et non transformés. De plus, la recherche n’a pas examiné des types de cancer spécifiques, ce qui rend impossible de déterminer si les effets protecteurs s’appliquent de manière générale ou à des cancers particuliers.

L’étude s’est aussi penchée sur les protéines végétales, notamment les légumineuses, les noix et les produits à base de soja tels que le tofu, et a constaté qu’elles n’avaient pas d’effet protecteur significatif contre le décès par cancer. Cette conclusion contredit des travaux antérieurs qui suggéraient que les protéines végétales sont liées à une diminution du risque de cancer, ce qui complique encore le tableau.


Déjà des milliers d’abonnés à l’infolettre de La Conversation. Et vous ? Abonnez-vous gratuitement à notre infolettre pour mieux comprendre les grands enjeux contemporains.


Ces résultats ne remettent pas en cause les bienfaits reconnus des aliments végétaux, qui fournissent des fibres, des antioxydants et d’autres composés associés à une réduction du risque de maladie.

Aliments d’origine végétale, notamment noix, champignons et tofu
La nouvelle étude ne remet pas en cause les nombreuses preuves démontrant que les aliments d’origine végétale sont bons pour la santé.
(5PH/Shutterstock)

Pas un feu vert

Même si les conclusions de l’étude sur les protéines animales s’avèrent exactes, celle-ci ne doit pas justifier une consommation à outrance de viande. Une consommation excessive de viande rouge reste associée à d’autres problèmes de santé graves, notamment les maladies cardiaques et le diabète. Mieux vaut privilégier la modération et l’équilibre.

Les résultats contradictoires de ces études rappellent à quel point la nutrition est une science difficile : impossible d’isoler l’effet d’un seul aliment. Nous mangeons des combinaisons d’aliments intégrées à un mode de vie, et c’est l’ensemble de ces habitudes qui pèse le plus sur la santé.

Une approche équilibrée de l’assiette, comprenant une variété de sources de protéines, beaucoup de fruits et légumes et des aliments peu transformés, reste l’approche la mieux étayée pour une santé optimale.

Si cette étude apporte un nouvel éclairage sur le débat sur la viande, elle ne devrait pas clore la discussion. La science de la nutrition évoluant sans cesse, la meilleure approche reste simple : modération, variété et équilibre au quotidien.

La Conversation Canada

Les auteurs ne travaillent pas, ne conseillent pas, ne possèdent pas de parts, ne reçoivent pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’ont déclaré aucune autre affiliation que leur organisme de recherche.

ref. Une étude affirme que la viande pourrait réduire le risque de décès par cancer… Vraiment ? – https://theconversation.com/une-etude-affirme-que-la-viande-pourrait-reduire-le-risque-de-deces-par-cancer-vraiment-264551

Ethiopia’s national dialogue was meant to heal the nation, but divisions are deepening

Source: The Conversation – Africa (2) – By Dereje Melese Liyew, Lecturer, Political Science, Debre Markos University,

Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed at a past African Union summit. Wikimedia Commons, CC BY

Ethiopia launched a national dialogue process in 2022 to address deep political divisions and help steer the country towards stability.

In theory, such dialogues can help societies move beyond war, rebuild trust and agree on new political rules. This has happened in countries such as Kenya, Tunisia and Yemen.

Ethiopia’s process involved setting up a national dialogue commission. It stated it wanted to build national consensus, strengthen nation building and support democratic transition.

The working mandate of the Ethiopian National Dialogue Commission has been extended twice. First for six months in February 2025 and then for eight months in February 2026.

However, the dialogue is not on the right track. I have researched Ethiopia’s political landscape and peace efforts for nearly a decade, and in a recent paper, I examined why the dialogue process is facing a crisis.

I found that Ethiopia’s national dialogue is struggling due to legitimacy deficits, limited inclusion and weak process design. Four years after the process launched, it has produced limited tangible outcomes.

National dialogues are most effective when they are broadly inclusive, trusted by key actors and conducted in a relatively stable political environment.

Ethiopia’s current context raises doubts on all three fronts.

The process has excluded influential political and armed actors. Opposition groups and civil society actors have also raised concerns about the commission’s independence from the ruling party. Ongoing conflicts further undermine the conditions needed for sustained negotiation.

These issues risk undermining the dialogue before it delivers meaningful results. This matters because national dialogue was meant to resolve Ethiopia’s political disputes peacefully. If it fails, the country risks missing a chance to manage conflict without violence.

Inclusivity

Inclusiveness is a defining feature of successful national dialogues. Key political forces, including armed groups, must see the process as a legitimate forum for negotiation.

In Ethiopia, several influential actors are absent.

Armed groups such as the Oromo Liberation Army, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front and the Amhara Fano have not been part of the process. Yet these groups are central to ongoing conflicts in Oromia, Tigray and Amhara regions. Holding a national dialogue while major armed confrontations continue – and without the participation of those directly involved – raises practical and political concerns.

Some opposition parties and civil society groups have also complained of inadequate consultation during the preparatory phase.

Exclusion weakens ownership. Without ownership, implementation becomes unlikely.

Trust

A national dialogue is usually convened during political crises or transitions. Its purpose is to bring together political forces, civil societies and non-state armed groups to negotiate fundamental questions about the state.

Ethiopia’s political tensions are rooted in unresolved questions about state structure, identity, historical narratives, the constitution and the balance between unity and self-determination.

A genuine dialogue could provide a platform to address these foundational disputes. However, the way the process has been designed and implemented has generated resistance.

One of the most contested issues has been the selection of commissioners.

The 11 members of the commission were appointed by parliament. Critics argue that the ruling party, which holds a majority of seats, dominated the process. Several opposition parties questioned the way the commission was set up.

When major political actors doubt the neutrality of conveners, the credibility of the entire process suffers. In divided societies, even the perception of bias can discourage participation.

In Ethiopia’s case, some opposition leaders have described the dialogue as a government-driven project rather than a nationally owned process. That perception alone is a serious obstacle.

There is also deep societal mistrust. Public confidence in political institutions – including parliament, courts and security institutions – has declined in recent years.

Dialogue requires a minimum level of trust before it can change anything.

Instability

National dialogues can occur during fragile transitions. But they rarely succeed in the middle of active and expanding armed conflicts.

Ethiopia continues to experience violence in multiple regions. In Tigray and parts of Amhara and Oromia, insecurity limits even basic state functions. Under such conditions, it’s difficult to set an agenda and get broad participation.

Ethiopia’s position in the Horn of Africa adds another layer of complexity.

Tensions linked to its Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam and shifting alliances involving Egypt, Sudan, Eritrea and Somalia have heightened regional rivalries. Gulf States have also expanded their influence in the region.




Read more:
Egypt-Ethiopia hostilities are playing out in the Horn – the risk of new proxy wars is high


National dialogues are domestically driven. However, external geopolitical competition can shape internal dynamics through diplomatic pressure, economic leverage or security alignments. A fragile domestic process becomes even more vulnerable in such an environment.

Experiences with national dialogues from Sudan, South Sudan and Kenya offer mixed lessons for Ethiopia.

In Sudan, dialogue initiatives lacked genuine political openness and failed to create an environment for talks. In South Sudan, there were questions about government interference, and key opposition actors weren’t included. Kenya’s 2008 dialogue, by contrast, succeeded in halting violence and led to constitutional reform. This was largely because it included major political rivals and was supported by mediation that was accepted.

The core lesson is consistent: inclusion, neutrality and timing matter.

Is a reset necessary?

Some Ethiopian scholars and political actors argue for pausing and rethinking the dialogue.

In my view, a reset should involve:

  • re-examining how commissioners are selected to ensure the process is seen as fair

  • expanding engagement with opposition parties and civil society

  • exploring ways to include or at least negotiate with influential armed groups

  • taking parallel steps to reduce violence and build confidence.

A national dialogue is not a magic solution. It cannot, on its own, resolve deep ideological disagreements. But it can help manage them if the process is widely seen as legitimate.

If Ethiopia’s dialogue continues without addressing concerns over trust, inclusion and ongoing conflict, it risks becoming another missed opportunity in the country’s long political transition.

The stakes are high. A credible process could help stabilise the political landscape. A flawed one may deepen scepticism and polarisation.

The Conversation

Dereje Melese Liyew does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Ethiopia’s national dialogue was meant to heal the nation, but divisions are deepening – https://theconversation.com/ethiopias-national-dialogue-was-meant-to-heal-the-nation-but-divisions-are-deepening-278321

Cacti may help explain a centuries-old mystery of evolution

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jamie Thompson, Lecturer in Evolutionary Biology, University of Reading

This question of why some branches of the tree of life explode into thousands of species, while others remain small, has shaped evolutionary biology since Charles Darwin.

My colleague and I have published a new study of cactus flowers which may help explain the conundrum.

For more than a century, scientists have seen flowers that are specialised to a particular pollinator or environment as drivers of the evolution of new diversity. Our new research challenges that idea, which could change how scientists think about the forces that create biodiversity across the plant world.

The cactus family, exceptionally diverse and among the most threatened plant groups worldwide, offers a striking example of how some evolutionary lineages thrive while others struggle.

Cacti are icons of slow growth. A towering saguaro may take a decade to reach an inch tall and the psychedelic peyote takes decades to mature. Yet the cactus family is one of the fastest-evolving plant groups on Earth. Over the past 20 to 35 million years, around 1,850 cacti species have come into existence. Although this sounds slow, in geological time it is the blink of an eye. By comparison, about a quarter of the 415 other flowering plant families have five or fewer species. These plant families never branched rapidly like cacti did.

Deserts are often imagined as unchanging and unforgiving landscapes, yet they can be arenas of rapid evolutionary innovation.

Scientists have linked the large number of cactus species with pollinator specialisation, where cactus flowers adapt to particular pollinators, such as bees, moths or hummingbirds. Another idea attributes the evolutionary success of cacti to the expansion of deserts over the last 30 million years, as much of the Americas became drier and more open.

Cacti growing in the Arizona desert.
Dulcey Lima/Unsplash



Read more:
Cacti are surprisingly fragile – and five other intriguing facts about these spiky wonders


Cacti seemed to fit this idea perfectly. Their flowers vary from small, understated blooms to large, night-opening blossoms. Some are pollinated by bees, others by hummingbirds, moths or bats.

Cactus flowers are fleeting and beautiful, often lasting only days, and are eagerly anticipated by devoted “plant parents”. Shorter flowers are typically linked to bee pollination, while longer, tubular forms have evolved repeatedly for bats, hummingbirds and moths.

Orange cactus flowers.
Morgan Newnham/Unsplash

However, my 2024 study which sampled many more species than previous studies, found that neither aridity nor pollination – the two main hypotheses for cactus diversity – was a strong explanation. This challenged a long-standing idea dating back to Darwin, who suggested that specialised flowers could promote the formation of new plant species.

My colleagues and I recently published the Cactus Ecological Database (CactEcoDB), which provides trait data and family trees for cacti, to help researchers understand their origins and future. When we analysed this data in a recent article in the journal Biology Letters, we found an unexpected pattern. We compiled flower length data for more than 750 cacti species, revealing an extraordinary range, from two millimetre blooms to flowers the size of a large dinner plate. This variation reflects adaptation to very different pollinators.

When we analysed the cactus family tree, we found that the speed at which flower size evolves drives the formation of new species, across both recent and deep evolutionary timescales. Natural selection does not seem to favour any particular flower size. Nevertheless it caused repeated bursts of rapid change across the cactus evolutionary tree towards different sizes.

What this means is simple but powerful. It is not the presence of a particular flower type or pollinator that drives cactus evolution. It is the speed at which the evolution of flower types occurs, regardless of the outcome. Species with smaller and larger flowers can quickly split into new species, as long as they changed quickly throughout their evolution.

Why this matters

This insight has implications for conservation. Our study suggests that a plant’s capacity for evolutionary change, important for surviving periods of environmental change and extinctions – like the one Earth is currently experiencing – matters more than any specific adaptation.

Protecting biodiversity is not just about saving the species we see today, but also about preserving the evolutionary potential that allows new species to arise. Some species may seem stable or unremarkable now, yet hold great future potential.

Nearly a third of cactus species are threatened with extinction. This is among the highest proportions for any plant group and we risk losing entire evolutionary lineages of cacti, not just species.

Protecting cacti, and nature more widely, means protecting an ongoing evolutionary process, one that allows life to thrive in some of the harshest environments on Earth.

The Conversation

Jamie Thompson receives funding from The Leverhulme Trust.

ref. Cacti may help explain a centuries-old mystery of evolution – https://theconversation.com/cacti-may-help-explain-a-centuries-old-mystery-of-evolution-278227

Pittsburgh spends millions on juvenile detention – research points to cheaper, more effective alternatives

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Jeffrey Shook, Professor of Social Work, University of Pittsburgh

More than a third of people in state prisons have served time in a juvenile facility, according to The Sentencing Project. SAKDAWUT14/iStock via Getty Images Plus

Data released in January 2026 to Allegheny County officials offers a clear look at who is being held at Highland Detention Center – and how much it costs taxpayers. The numbers show short stays, significant racial disparities and millions spent to operate the facility. These findings raise new questions about whether detention is being used effectively in the county’s youth justice system.

In 2025, 220 young people passed through the center. The county paid nearly US$800 per day for each of the 12 beds in the facility, whether they were occupied or not.

The center operates at the site of the former Shuman Juvenile Detention Center in Allegheny County. After a documented history of child abuse, medical issues, unauthorized use of restraints and other violations, Shuman closed in September 2021 when the Pennsylvania Department of Human Services revoked its license.

Shuman opened in 1974 with an occupancy of approximately 120 beds. At the time it was closed, the daily population had dropped to 20 juveniles at an annual cost of $11 million.

As a professor of social work at the University of Pittsburgh, my research centers on law, policy and child welfare. I have spent my career studying how the juvenile justice system can shape – and also damage – the lives of young people while creating significant costs to taxpayers.

Here’s what local taxpayers in Pennsylvania are paying for juvenile detention.

A costly reinvention

Allegheny County signed a five-year, $73 million contract with nonprofit organization Adelphoi to operate a detention facility at the old Shuman site in 2023. It was renamed Highland Juvenile Detention Facility.

The county agreed to pay $650.25 per bed, per day for the first year of the contract. That rate, the contract specifies, “shall be adjusted each year.” By the end of 2025, it had already climbed to $825 per day. In total, the county paid Adelphoi nearly $7 million last year to hold kids for an average stay of 13 days.

The facility offered 12 beds in 2025. The contract calls for that number to increase to 60 beds, with the costs also rising to $19 million annually. The county has an option to renew the contract when it expires at the end of 2028.

In March 2026, there were seven juveniles being held at Highland. As of late February 2026, there were approximately 12 to 14 juveniles held in the Allegheny County Jail. They can be held in the jail for a variety of reasons but are primarily there if they are being charged as an adult.

Who’s being locked up

Statistics show a correlation between juvenile detention and adult involvement with the criminal legal system.

According to The Sentencing Project, a Washington, D.C.-based nonprofit, more than a third of people in state prisons have served time in a juvenile facility.

Black youth are more than five times more likely to be placed in juvenile facilities than white peers, and two-thirds of state prisoners experienced an arrest before age 19.

An outdoor building shot of the Allegheny County Jail.
Roughly a dozen juveniles are being held in the Allegheny County Jail.
AP Photo/Gene J. Puskar

In the juvenile system, detention is intended to be short term and is generally used prior to an adjudication, the determination of someone’s guilt or innocence.

Detention is typically used for kids who pose a threat of committing additional crimes or a risk of not appearing in court, based on a determination by a probation officer, a state risk-assessment test or a judge, typically. Dentention is not a destination but part of a continuum with a goal of moving a young person to less restrictive alternatives, such as community-based programs and services that allow youth to remain at home, in school and in their communities while receiving supervision, treatment and support. These alternatives are often more effective at reducing recidivism and less costly than secure confinement.

While kids in detention have the right to receive a free public education and should be offered physical, behavioral, mental health and recreational services, according to state law, detention is not a treatment facility.

EG: There’s usually a brief caption beneath video links like this one.

The number of kids in detention facilities in the U.S has dropped substantially over the past 20 years, from approximately 400,000 to 135,000. However, an average of 13,000 to 14,000 kids remain in detention facilities across the country daily. Youth of color are disproportionately represented, and many kids are detained for minor crimes, technical violations or status offenses, such as breaking curfew.

Based on available data and my own experience working in and with detention facilities, it is clear that youth locked in these facilities are not only those at risk of committing another crime or not appearing in court. Many have education, mental health and substance abuse needs, come from poor families or identify as LGBTQ+. In many respects, detention facilities have served as a dumping ground for youth dealing with a vast array of issues in their lives.

The juvenile justice system was built primarily around managing risk and ensuring court appearances. It does little to address the underlying needs of the children moving through it. Unstable housing, missed school and lack of supervision can trigger detention even when a child poses no real threat. In many cases, juvenile detention ends up filling a gap left by social services.

Doubling down on detention

Despite its limited capacity, the Allegheny County Highland Detention Center dashboard shows 220 youths were detained at Highland in 2025. Eighty-six percent of these kids are Black. Firearms charges are the most common offense.

More than half had an individualized education plan, a legally binding document that outlines the specific educational support and services a student with a physical or mental disability is entitled to receive in school.

Over 60% were involved with the child welfare system, 88% had family involvement in the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, or SNAP, and 72% had received a crisis mental health service at some point before entering Highland.

Research shows that young people who are detained are more likely to commit additional offenses when they are released, experience educational and economic disruption, and face increased mental health challenges. Detention does not promote the social development of young people or community safety.

A variety of alternatives to detention exist that have been shown to be more effective and cost significantly less – such as mentoring programs, family therapy, cognitive behavioral therapy and restorative justice programs.

Restorative justice programs bring victims, accused youth and trustworthy adults in their lives together to discuss the harm caused by the offense. They come up with a plan to help make things “right” between the parties to avoid subsequent offenses and help the youth learn from the incident.

The dollars being spent to confine kids in Allegheny County could be reinvested in the young people themselves and in their families, schools and communities. The new advisory board was appointed to Highland in July 2025. The board was created to provide a layer of accountability over the facility and Adelphoi – but what that looks like in practice remains up in the air.

The Conversation

Jeffrey Shook does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Pittsburgh spends millions on juvenile detention – research points to cheaper, more effective alternatives – https://theconversation.com/pittsburgh-spends-millions-on-juvenile-detention-research-points-to-cheaper-more-effective-alternatives-275043

More and more teachers and students are using AI – even though it might do more harm than good

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Tal Slemrod, Associate Professor of Special Education, California State University, Chico

An estimated 85% of K-12 public school teachers recently reported that they used AI during the 2024-2025 school year. ismagilov/iStock/Getty Images Plus

K-12 teachers and students across the country are increasingly using AI in and out of classrooms, whether it is teachers turning to AI to refine lesson plans or students asking AI to help them research a particular topic.

An estimated 85% of K-12 public school teachers recently reported that they used AI during the 2024-2025 school year – often for curriculum and content development.

In 2023, 13% of teens said they used ChatGPT to complete their schoolwork, while 26% of them said in 2025 that they were using ChatGPT for this purpose.

Similarly, 86% of K-12 students shared in 2025 that they have used AI in general. An estimated 50% of students reported that they use it for schoolwork, such as for learning more about topics outside of what was taught in class, tutoring on specific subjects, receiving help with a homework assignment or asking for college advice.

However, policies and training have not kept pace with how frequently teachers and students are using AI.

Only 35% of school district leaders reported in 2025 that they provided students with any AI training, according to the global policy think tank RAND Corporation. Additionally, 45% of principals reported school or district policies or guidance on the use of AI in schools, according to these findings.

Another challenge is that students are also using AI for potentially dangerous uses. There are recent examples of students who self-harmed or died by suicide after they used AI for mental health support. A 2025 study found that when a chatbot responded to 60 simulated scenarios that posed mental health questions, the chatbots sometimes made harmful proposals – such as cutting off all human contact for a month or dropping out of school.

So, is it safe for young students to use AI? Does using AI provide better learning outcomes for students when compared to traditional instruction? Does AI help teachers reduce their workload?

The answers to these questions are complicated. It is not yet clear how AI influences learning in K-12 settings or when and how it is best for teachers and students to use AI.

A man wearing a grey shirt and dark tie hands a piece of paper to teenagers seated at long white tables.
A high school teacher in Colorado Springs hands out lesson sheets he created with the help of AI in November 2025.
RJ Sangosti/MediaNews Group/The Denver Post via Getty Images

Some clear pros

As an associate professor of inclusive teacher education, I’m trying to answer some of these big questions about AI and K-12 education.

Some university centers that I’ve worked with, such as the Center for Innovation, Design, and Digital Learning at the University of Kansas, are conducting research on how AI can be used to support students with learning disabilities.

In 2025, 57% of special education teachers said they use AI to help develop individualized plans, often called an individualized education program, for their students with learning disabilities.

I believe there is no doubt that AI can, in some ways, reduce barriers and support students with disabilities. In my own research, for example, my co-authors and I show that AI can help students learn by adapting assignments to meet their personal learning needs and pace. It can also help teachers reduce their time spent grading or editing assignments.

There remain concerns over student privacy and whether AI systems will reinforce bias, but special education teachers are testing the benefits of generative AI.

The missing evidence

Among the broader available research and evidence on AI and K-12 education, some studies from 2019 through 2022 show that AI might help students learn and stay motivated by providing a personalized learning experience. However, the evidence appears less promising when considering how students learn after they use AI and then stop using it.

For example, Guilherme Lichand, an economics scholar at the Stanford Accelerator for Learning, found in 2026 that when students use AI and then are told they can no longer use it for their studies, students actually perform worse than those who never used AI. This shows that additional research on how AI influences students’ long-term learning and development is necessary.

The Brookings Institution also recently warned in a 2026 AI and K-12 education report that the risks of using generative AI in education overshadow its benefits. These risks include weakened relationships between students and teachers, as well as students’ safety.

A 2025 report by the nonprofit Center for Democracy and Technology also shows that an average of 71% of K-12 teachers reported that when students use AI to complete their schoolwork, it is hard for the teachers to understand whether student work is their own.

Similarly, almost two-thirds of parents of K-12 students said in 2025 that AI is weakening important academic skills that their child needs to learn, such as writing, reading comprehension and critical thinking.

Lessons from the past

AI is being introduced to K-12 classrooms faster than evidence and understanding can support. But schools have rushed to incorporate educational technologies into their classrooms before.

During the COVID-19 pandemic, for example, schools needed to quickly equip teachers and students with online platforms for remote learning.

But the rush also challenged educators to learn how to effectively teach and provide individual support for each student – and to ensure that all students, including students with disabilities, could participate in remote learning.

Similarly, not long ago, some educators thought that social media and smartphones would bring the next frontier in education, with the idea that these technologies could increase student engagement. Yet we now know the dangers that both social media and smartphones pose for children.

Slowing down how students especially are using AI in the classroom does not mean rejecting it altogether. I think it means being responsible – especially when there is a good chance children’s academic skills, behaviors or emotions are at risk.

New evidence on AI and education is coming from scholars like me and my colleagues. There is little doubt that AI and future technologies are game changers in society and education.

I think it is also critical that we slow down and follow the evidence that is available. Speed is a choice, and education deserves intention.

The Conversation

Tal Slemrod receives funding from the US Department of Education.

ref. More and more teachers and students are using AI – even though it might do more harm than good – https://theconversation.com/more-and-more-teachers-and-students-are-using-ai-even-though-it-might-do-more-harm-than-good-275650