Luz en la oscuridad: en busca de terapias para la ceguera hereditaria

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Gemma Marfany Nadal, Profesora Catedrática de Genética, Universitat de Barcelona

Francesco Sgura/Shutterstock

Una noche, Tomás se dio cuenta que algo fallaba. Había salido incontables veces con sus amigos a dar una vuelta por los caminos fuera del pueblo, un pueblo demasiado pequeño como para que sus voces alegres pasaran desapercibidas en la quietud nocturna.

En aquellos caminos no había farolas: solo la luz de la luna les alumbraba. Hasta entonces esto no le había supuesto ningún problema. Pero de repente se dio cuenta de que no podía distinguir bien los bordes del camino. Se paró, dudando y tratando de encontrar referencias, pero eran borrosas en los lados de su visión. Sin saberlo, Tomás acababa de detectar los primeros síntomas de una retinosis pigmentaria: la pérdida de visión en luz tenue, también llamada ceguera nocturna.

Una de cada 4 000 personas en todo el mundo sufre retinosis pigmentaria. Y si añadimos el resto de enfermedades genéticas raras que afectan a la visión, la prevalencia puede llegar hasta 1 de cada 2 000 personas.

Cómo vemos colores y luces

La retina es el tejido neurosensorial que tapiza el fondo de nuestro ojo. Se forma durante el desarrollo como un saliente del sistema nervioso central, que se abre en forma de copa hacia el exterior para diferenciarse en distintas capas neuronales perfectamente distribuidas y conectadas entre ellas.

La capa neuronal retiniana más alejada de la entrada de luz es la capa de células fotorreceptoras, conos y bastones, que pueden excitarse con el impacto de un único fotón. Estas células son las encargadas de recibir el estímulo luminoso y transformarlo en estímulo químico, primero, y en eléctrico, después.

En total, la retina humana posee alrededor de 120 millones de bastones y unos 7 millones de conos.

Los bastones son las células fotorreceptoras encargadas de la visión en luz tenue, porque se estimulan con fotones (partículas) de luz de baja intensidad. Concretamente estos fotones excitan a la rodopsina, la molécula sensible a la luz.

Los bastones no pueden percibir el color: solo ven en blanco y negro. Todo lo contrario que los conos, que expresan opsinas que responden a fotones de alta intensidad. Eso los convierte en responsables de la visión en color.

Imagen de un ojo humano en tonos oscuros, como lo veríamos con poca luz ambiental y con una fuente de luz lejana reflejada en la pupila. En circunstancias de baja intensidad lumínica, solo los bastones –pero no los conos– pueden excitarse y por ello de noche, o a oscuras, solo podemos ver en blanco y negro.
Sakurra/Shutterstock

Una distribución desigual

Los bastones están repartidos por toda la retina, mientras que los conos se acumulan sobre todo en la mácula, en la zona central de la retina (fóvea). Esa alta densidad de conos proporciona agudeza visual, o lo que es lo mismo, una extrema sensibilidad al contraste.

De noche, con luz tenue, solo pueden activarse los bastones. Por eso cuando oscurece vemos en blanco y negro y no podemos leer, aunque tenemos buena visión periférica.

Pero si en medio de la oscuridad encendemos una linterna, con un haz intenso de luz, o nos colocamos bajo una farola, los fotones de alta intensidad activan a los conos. Y empezamos a percibir colores y detalles como en pleno día.

Es el cerebro el que interpreta qué vemos

En la retinosis pigmentaria, debido a mutaciones en genes importantes para la función de los bastones, estas células se alteran, dejan de funcionar y acaban “suicidándose”: es lo que se conoce como muerte celular programada. Como consecuencia, se inicia y una pérdida de bastones que progresa paulatinamente, de fuera hacia dentro.

En la retina de Tomás, el protagonista de nuestra historia inicial, la enfermedad estaba avanzando sin que él lo supiera hasta que se traspasó un umbral en que la pérdida de bastones ya afectó a la percepción visual. La visión nocturna quedó afectada. Y empezó a experimentar lo que se conoce como visión en túnel: le costaba localizar los objetos circundantes pero aún podía leer y percibir detalles porque en la mácula los conos seguían siendo funcionales.

A largo plazo, la progresión de la enfermedad acaba afectando también a los conos, provocando una ceguera total.

Los primeros síntomas aparecen en la adolescencia tardía

Los pacientes con retinosis pigmentaria suelen empezar a notar los síntomas en la adolescencia tardía o en la etapa adulta. Pero cuando hay mutaciones que afectan a genes estructurales de los fotorreceptores o durante el desarrollo, la enfermedad puede aparecer durante la infancia, como sucede en la amaurosis congénita de Leber. Otra enfermedad congénita, la acromatopsia, se caracteriza porque los afectados solo pueden ver en blanco y negro. El mundo se percibe en tonos de gris, literalmente.

En otras patologías raras de la retina, como es el caso de la enfermedad de Stargardt, las mutaciones afectan genes relevantes para los conos o la mácula, que son los primeros que mueren. Eso permite que los pacientes vean con poca luz, pero sin embargo sean incapaces de leer los detalles de un rostro humano.

En busca de tratamientos

Actualmente, no existen tratamientos aprobados que detengan la degeneración de la retinosis por completo.

Para el diseño y aplicación de terapias avanzadas específicas, es imprescindible llevar a cabo investigación básica de los procesos genéticos, bioquímicos y celulares que se alteran cuando aparecen mutaciones en genes de la retina.

Aquí es donde entra en juego la biotecnología, que permite analizar modelos de la enfermedad, bien sea generando ratones avatar (con la dolencia) o mediante organoides humanos de retina, lo más parecido a una retina humana pero en una placa de Petri.

Partiendo de ahí podremos desarrollar tratamientos de medicina de precisión dirigida a enfermedades causadas por genes o mutaciones concretas –como Luxturna, para mutaciones del genRPE65–. Pero también terapias en las que el objetivo es la supervivencia de los fotorreceptores, sin focalizarse en un gen o mutaciones concretos: es lo que se conoce como terapias “agnósticas”.

Dos caminos para tratar y, quizás, incluso curar a Tomás y otros pacientes que, como él, tienen enfermedades raras hereditarias de la retina.

The Conversation

Gemma Marfany Nadal recibe fondos del Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovación para financiar investigación básica. Soy jefa de la unidad U-718 del CIBERER-ISCIII (Centro de Investigación Biomédica en Red de Enfermedades Raras). Soy miembro de la Comissió Nacional de Bioètica d’Andorra.

ref. Luz en la oscuridad: en busca de terapias para la ceguera hereditaria – https://theconversation.com/luz-en-la-oscuridad-en-busca-de-terapias-para-la-ceguera-hereditaria-278580

La teoría económica detrás de las crisis

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Juan Carlos Morán Álvarez, Director del departamento de Economía Aplicada III, Universidad de Sevilla

Los economistas somos capaces de convertir en necesidad aquellos problemas que no somos capaces de solucionar. Por ello, durante muchos años compartía la idea, absurda, de que las crisis económicas eran necesarias e inevitables. Pero todo problema tiene solución, si bien exige un esfuerzo de entendimiento (no siempre fácil), una propuesta seria y una ejecución que normalmente deben llevar a cabo las personas implicadas o, en su caso, los responsables políticos.




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Las crisis económicas nacionales pueden evitarse, pero, para acertar, lo primero que debemos mostrar es el origen de estas. Para ello nos centraremos en la autoridad monetaria de la zona euro, el Banco Central Europeo (BCE). Pero en otros países desarrollados o en desarrollo, la situación que vamos a explicar es similar, aunque con matices.

Para comenzar

Vamos a considerar el dinero como una herramienta esencial en la dinamización de los intercambios económicos (los facilita al servir como medio de pago). En el eurosistema hay un quebranto continuo de la cantidad de dinero existente, debido a tres factores:

  1. La pérdida de poder adquisitivo por la subida de los precios.

  2. La fuga de liquidez hacia otros países cuando la moneda es admitida como medio de pago internacional.

  3. Los cambios en las preferencias de ahorro.

Estos factores obligan al BCE a fabricar dinero nuevo, adicional al existente. De este modo, además de mantener la capacidad de intercambio, potencia un mayor crecimiento de la renta. Así, semana a semana y de forma creciente, el BCE inyecta nueva liquidez al sistema. Debe hacerlo en el nivel adecuado para que se produzca el crecimiento económico de la eurozona, sin generar tensiones inflacionistas o desinflacionistas. El objetivo del BCE para la eurozona es mantener la tasa de inflación en torno al 2 %.

La política monetaria del Banco Central Europeo busca un crecimiento económico “necesario y suficiente”. Así, el BCE inyecta toda la liquidez capaz de ser absorbida al generarse mayores dinamismos económicos territoriales, sectoriales y personales gracias a ese mayor intercambio.

Es decir, inyecta dinero nuevo al sistema económico de forma creciente, y lo hace mediante préstamos a las entidades financieras. La institución trata de forma continua de generar liquidez suficiente para compensar la devolución de los anteriores préstamos, más la liquidez adicional necesaria para garantizar el crecimiento económico. Luego, el sistema financiero traslada al mercado ese dinero a través de préstamos a familias, empresas y administraciones que también son crecientes.

¡Más liquidez!

Este modelo de crecimiento económico se basa en una sucesiva y creciente creación de liquidez que provoca un incremento continuado del endeudamiento de las familias, las empresas o las administraciones con la intención de generar más renta, riqueza y empleo.

El elemento negativo es que un proceso de endeudamiento creciente de los agentes económicos y sociales del sistema (familias, empresas, administraciones) va debilitando poco a poco las expectativas de futuro. Con un alto nivel de deuda, cualquier hecho o fenómeno imprevisto puede hacer implosionar el modelo, haciendo que familias, empresas y sector público decidan dejar de endeudarse.

En el momento en que el endeudamiento se frena y disminuye, o al menos no crece lo suficiente, lo hace también la forma de hacer nuevo dinero, que deja de llegar al sistema. Mientras el endeudamiento crece también lo hacen la renta, la riqueza y el empleo, y cuando deja de hacerlo, la crisis económica está servida.

The Conversation

Juan Carlos Morán Álvarez es afiliado reciente en el PSOE, si bien no participo de forma activa en política ni colaboro con el partido.

ref. La teoría económica detrás de las crisis – https://theconversation.com/la-teoria-economica-detras-de-las-crisis-265047

Del hedonismo a la felicidad con propósito: ¿influye el ‘marketing’ en nuestro bienestar?

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Sofía Blanco Moreno, Profesor ayudante doctor, Área de Comercialización e Investigación de Mercados, Universidad de León

GaudiLab/Shutterstock

Pasamos varias horas al día expuestos a contenido de marca: publicaciones en Instagram, historias, vídeos, blogs o newsletters que nos acompañan mientras descansamos, buscamos inspiración o simplemente hacemos scroll. Pero ¿qué efecto tiene realmente todo ese contenido en nuestro bienestar? ¿Nos hace sentir mejor o solo nos empuja a consumir más?




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Un grupo de investigadoras de la Universidad de León nos planteamos una pregunta poco habitual en marketing: ¿puede el contenido que publican las marcas contribuir a la felicidad de las personas, en particular de las mujeres? La respuesta no es tan simple como un “Sí” o un “No”, pero los resultados muestran algo claro: el marketing no solo influye en lo que compramos, sino también en cómo nos sentimos y en cómo nos relacionamos con las marcas y con nuestro entorno.

Dos formas de felicidad: sentir placer y encontrar sentido

Cuando hablamos de felicidad solemos pensar en emociones positivas inmediatas: disfrutar, pasarlo bien, sentir alegría. Esta es la llamada felicidad hedónica, ligada al placer, al entretenimiento y a las emociones agradables del momento.

Pero existe otra forma de bienestar menos visible y más profunda: la felicidad eudaimónica, relacionada con el sentido de la vida, el crecimiento personal, los valores y la sensación de estar haciendo “lo correcto” o de pertenecer a algo significativo.

Ambas dimensiones forman parte del bienestar humano, pero no funcionan igual ni producen los mismos efectos. Y aquí es donde entra en juego el contenido que crean las marcas.

Qué tipo de contenido nos hace sentir bien y por qué

El estudio, basado en una encuesta a mujeres consumidoras, analiza cómo el contenido de marcas –especialmente marcas locales– influye en estas dos formas de felicidad.

Por un lado, el contenido hedónico es aquel que entretiene, emociona o genera disfrute: imágenes atractivas, historias cercanas, experiencias agradables de compra, mensajes que transmiten cercanía o diversión. Este tipo de contenido hace que “nos apetezca” una marca, que nos resulte atractiva, que nos genere deseo.

Por otro lado, el contenido eudaimónico apela a valores más profundos: apoyar el comercio local, sentirse orgullosa de consumir productos de proximidad, identificarse con la historia de una marca, percibir que ese consumo encaja con la propia identidad y forma de vivir. Este contenido no solo gusta sino que inspira, compromete y moviliza.

La clave está en que cada tipo de felicidad activa comportamientos distintos.

El contenido de marca no solo informa o entretiene: también influye en el bienestar emocional y en las acciones reales de consumo.
Fuente: elaboración propia

Desear no es lo mismo que actuar

Uno de los hallazgos más interesantes del estudio es la diferencia entre desear una marca y actuar en consecuencia. Aunque solemos pensar que ambas cosas van de la mano, no siempre es así.

La felicidad hedónica –el disfrute, la emoción positiva– está más relacionada con el deseo: “Me gusta esta marca, me apetece, me atrae”. Es el tipo de bienestar que nos hace seguir una cuenta en redes sociales o sentir simpatía por una marca.

Sin embargo, la felicidad eudaimónica –el sentido, los valores compartidos– es la que impulsa a la acción: visitar una tienda, comprar de forma recurrente, recomendar el negocio, implicarse con la marca. Es lo que transforma el interés en compromiso.

Dicho de otro modo: el placer despierta el deseo, pero el sentido impulsa la acción.




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El papel de las marcas locales y el orgullo de lo cercano

Este efecto es especialmente relevante en el caso de las marcas locales. Frente a las grandes marcas globales, los negocios de proximidad suelen conectar más fácilmente con valores como la identidad, la comunidad o el apoyo al entorno cercano.




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La satisfacción del cliente y su identificación con la marca, claves para la buena marcha del negocio


Para muchas mujeres, consumir marcas locales no es solo una decisión económica, sino también emocional y ética: sentirse parte de una comunidad, apoyar el desarrollo local o reforzar un estilo de vida alineado con sus valores personales.

Cuando el contenido de estas marcas transmite inspiración, orgullo o sentido de pertenencia, no solo mejora la percepción de la marca, sino que también contribuye al bienestar de las consumidoras.

El consumo local no es solo una decisión económica: también tiene un impacto emocional y social en el bienestar de las consumidoras.
Fuente: elaboración propia

‘Marketing’, bienestar y perspectiva de género

El estudio aporta además una perspectiva de género relevante. Las mujeres consumen más contenido de marketing digital, dedican más tiempo a informarse y comparar marcas, y muestran una mayor sensibilidad hacia los valores que estas transmiten.

En un contexto en el que la salud mental y el bienestar emocional son temas centrales del debate social, resulta especialmente importante analizar cómo el marketing afecta –positiva o negativamente– a estos aspectos. El contenido de marca no es neutro: puede generar presión, comparación constante o frustración, pero también puede fomentar emociones positivas, autoestima y conexión social.




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‘Marketing’ digital: cuanto más tiempo pasemos en las redes, más posibilidades de que las marcas nos enganchen


¿Qué pueden aprender las marcas y los consumidores?

Los resultados invitan a repensar el papel del marketing. No todo el contenido tiene que centrarse en vender de forma directa. Las marcas que aspiran a generar relaciones duraderas deberían preguntarse:

  • ¿Queremos despertar deseo o fomentar compromiso?

  • ¿Estamos ofreciendo solo placer inmediato o también sentido y valores?

  • ¿Nuestro contenido contribuye al bienestar o solo a la saturación informativa?

Para los consumidores, entender estos mecanismos también es clave. Nos ayuda a ser más conscientes de por qué nos atraen ciertas marcas y de cómo nuestras emociones influyen en nuestras decisiones diarias.

Más allá del consumo

En definitiva, el marketing puede hacer algo más que vender productos: puede influir en cómo nos sentimos, en cómo actuamos y en cómo nos relacionamos con nuestro entorno. Cuando el contenido conecta con valores, identidad y propósito, puede convertirse en una fuente de bienestar, especialmente para las mujeres y en el contexto del consumo local.

La pregunta ya no es solo qué compramos, sino cómo y por qué lo hacemos. Y ahí, el contenido de marca tiene mucho que decir.

The Conversation

Sofía Blanco Moreno no recibe salario, ni ejerce labores de consultoría, ni posee acciones, ni recibe financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y ha declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado.

ref. Del hedonismo a la felicidad con propósito: ¿influye el ‘marketing’ en nuestro bienestar? – https://theconversation.com/del-hedonismo-a-la-felicidad-con-proposito-influye-el-marketing-en-nuestro-bienestar-274496

Tres cosas que ‘Más que rivales’ muestra sobre la masculinidad en el deporte profesional

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Antoni Aguiló Bonet, Investigador postdoctoral en filosofía contemporánea, Universitat de les Illes Balears

Un fotograma de _Más que rivales_. Warner Bros. Discovery

En una serie sobre hockey de élite se espera velocidad, golpes y épica de vestuario. Más que rivales tiene todo eso. Pero la escena que mejor explica por qué importa no ocurre durante un partido, sino en la intimidad: preguntas sencillas –“¿qué quieres hacer?”, “¿así está bien?”, “¿tienes miedo?”– dichas con naturalidad durante un encuentro sexual.

Este detalle abre un interrogante: ¿qué modelos de masculinidad produce el deporte profesional, también en la intimidad entre hombres? ¿Y qué cambia cuando el consentimiento deja de ser un supuesto y se convierte en conversación? Más allá de la trama, la serie permite observar tres cuestiones relevantes sobre consentimiento, masculinidad y cultura deportiva.

1. El consentimiento verbal cuestiona ciertas masculinidades

El deporte profesional sigue siendo, en muchos contextos, un espacio donde la masculinidad se organiza en torno a tres imperativos: resistir, rendir y no mostrar fisuras. Desde hace décadas, la sociología del deporte describe este entorno como un laboratorio de dureza, disciplina y control emocional. Los trabajos de Michael Messner muestran cómo estos espacios premian el dominio y la fortaleza, mientras que la vulnerabilidad a menudo se percibe como un riesgo para el prestigio.

En este marco cultural, preguntar o confirmar no es solo una práctica interpersonal de cuidado. También es un gesto que altera la lógica habitual de la masculinidad dominante. La pregunta “¿te va bien?” desplaza el centro de gravedad de la escena: el deseo ya no aparece como una conquista individual, sino como una coordinación entre dos personas.

Dos hombres se miran en una ducha.
Connor Storrie y Hudson Williams en una escena de Más que rivales.
Warner Bros. Discovery

No es lo mismo entender el consentimiento como un momento puntual –un sí inicial– que concebirlo como un proceso que puede matizarse o interrumpirse. Esta segunda opción exige habilidades que muchas formas de socialización masculina han entrenado poco: nombrar lo que ocurre, escuchar o ajustarse al otro sin interpretarlo como un fracaso.

La serie sugiere así una idea a menudo ignorada: la masculinidad también se aprende en la intimidad. En contextos donde “no desentonar” sigue siendo una norma viril, formular una pregunta puede resultar culturalmente más disruptivo de lo que parece.

2. El armario no es solo privado

Una de las aportaciones clásicas de la teoría queer fue mostrar que el “armario” no es solo una experiencia psicológica individual. También es una estructura social que regula quién puede ser visible, cuándo y a qué precio. Esta idea quedó formulada en Epistemology of the Closet, de Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick.

En el deporte profesional, esta regulación tiene consecuencias concretas: puede afectar a la reputación, los patrocinios, la relación con el vestuario, el trato mediático o incluso la continuidad de una carrera deportiva.

Más que rivales sugiere que la aceptación simbólica no elimina necesariamente estos costes. La visibilidad sigue distribuida de manera desigual: hay trayectorias que pueden sostenerla con mayor facilidad que otras, y contextos en los que hablar todavía implica riesgos.

Esta estructura también influye en la cultura del consentimiento. No porque el armario lo sustituya, sino porque condiciona los marcos comunicativos en los que se produce. Si hablar abiertamente en la vida pública tiene costes, parte de esa economía del silencio puede trasladarse a la intimidad: evitar preguntas para no complicar la situación o recurrir a ambigüedades.

La serie muestra que incluso bajo esta presión se puede construir una intimidad que no dependa ni del control ni del silencio.

3. Entre hombres tampoco hay un único guión sexual

En el debate público, el consentimiento se presenta a menudo como una fórmula universal aplicable a cualquier encuentro sexual. Sin embargo, la investigación sobre relaciones entre hombres gais, bisexuales y queer muestra una realidad más compleja: existen códigos sexuales situados que varían según los espacios y las formas de socialización sexual.

Dos hombres jóvenes en una rueda de prensa.
Los dos protagonistas de Más que rivales.
Warner Bros. Discovery

Una revisión reciente de varios investigadores señala que entrar en determinados ambientes sin conocer estos códigos puede aumentar la vulnerabilidad y que normas asociadas a la masculinidad hegemónica –como el control o la evitación emocional– siguen operando en el sexo entre hombres.

Esto no implica que la comunicación no verbal sea problemática en sí misma. En muchos encuentros funciona perfectamente. El problema aparece cuando se da por supuesta en contextos marcados por el alcohol, la presión social, la desigualdad de poder o el miedo a perder estatus.

Por ello, algunos estudios han señalado que parte de las políticas de “consentimiento afirmativo” se diseñaron pensando sobre todo en un guion heterosexual predominante. Ya en un trabajo pionero, Melanie Beres mostraba que la comunicación del consentimiento en relaciones del mismo sexo puede adoptar formas diversas y contextuales.

Más allá de la pantalla

La serie sugiere también un límite importante. La impugnación de la masculinidad tradicional aparece mediada por el prestigio: cuerpos entrenados, fama y capital simbólico, que facilitan la aceptación social, pero también restringen qué vidas pueden ser visibles.

Si en un vestuario de élite una pregunta tan simple como “¿estás bien?” puede resultar extraña, el problema no es la pregunta, sino la cultura patriarcal que aún organiza qué se puede decir, sentir y ser.

Porque, al fin y al cabo, lo que está en juego no es solo quién puede aparecer representado en la pantalla, sino qué tipo de masculinidad seguimos considerando normal dentro –y fuera– del deporte profesional.

The Conversation

Antoni Aguiló Bonet es miembro de Homes Transitant, asociación sin ánimo de lucro dedicada a la reflexión sobre masculinidades.

ref. Tres cosas que ‘Más que rivales’ muestra sobre la masculinidad en el deporte profesional – https://theconversation.com/tres-cosas-que-mas-que-rivales-muestra-sobre-la-masculinidad-en-el-deporte-profesional-279139

Canada’s new TikTok compromise fails to resolve questions of ownership and national security

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Philip Mai, Co-director and Senior Researcher, Social Media Lab, Toronto Metropolitan University

The Canadian government has reached an agreement with the social media platform TikTok after years of debate over the app’s data practices, particularly those affecting young users. The deal allows TikTok to continue operating in Canada under tighter oversight rather than facing a shutdown.

As social media researchers at the Social Media Lab at Toronto Metropolitan University, we’ve always paid close attention to the state of social media in Canada. We have followed the TikTok ban saga closely since early 2020, when United States President Donald Trump first tried to ban the platform, long before he later came out in favour of keeping it.

While the new agreement does move towards greater oversight of TikTok, major concerns remain. TikTok’s parent company, ByteDance, is based in China and Chinese national security laws can compel companies to co-operate with state authorities. This underlying risk sits beyond the reach of Canada’s safeguards.

The agreement follows a new national security review that reversed an earlier conclusion pointing toward closure of TikTok’s Canadian operations. Instead of a ban, the federal government has chosen a regulatory approach, one that keeps the app available while imposing legally binding conditions. The deal reduces some risks, but it does not resolve deeper questions about ownership, data flows and national security.

So what has TikTok agreed to? And what will the millions of Canadian users, creators, advertisers and cultural groups that rely on the platform notice?

Stronger protections for youth and minors

Under the new rules, TikTok must strengthen its protection of Canadian user data. This includes creating a security “gateway” to control access to that data, adopting privacy-enhancing technologies and allowing independent third-party monitoring to verify how data is handled.

TikTok also committed to stronger protections for minors and youth, a key concern driving the government’s review.




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For everyday users, the focus on youth protection is likely to be the most visible change. Stricter age limits could affect livestreaming. Gift features may be more restricted for younger users. Content involving minors is likely to face stricter moderation.

Canadian creators will also feel the impact. Those with audiences largely made up of teenagers may face tighter moderation or additional eligibility checks for certain features and monetization tools. Sponsors may also ask more detailed questions about audience demographics as brands become more cautious about youth-focused content.

Many changes will happen behind the scenes. As TikTok Canada adjusts to the new requirements, its verification processes, advertising tools and moderation systems are expected to become more demanding.

As the government now requires stronger protection of Canadian user data, people who earn money on the platform may encounter extra steps. These may include stricter identity checks, added requirements for business accounts or ad payments and clearer information about where Canadian user data is stored.




Read more:
Does TikTok pose a security threat to Canadians?


Does this make TikTok safer? Compared to what existed before, the agreement does move toward greater oversight. Independent monitoring, if carried out properly, gives the government some visibility into TikTok’s data practices and the commitments are legally binding rather than voluntary.

Canadian data can still leave Canada

Enforcement details are still unclear. The government has said it will appoint an independent monitor, but has not named the monitor, explained how audits will work or detailed what penalties TikTok would face for failing to comply. Without clear consequences, oversight could prove weaker in practice than it appears on paper.

The agreement also stops short of requiring full data localization. Canadian user data does not have to stay entirely within the country. Although technical controls may limit access, data can still move through systems outside Canada. This leaves some exposure to unauthorized access or foreign influence.

Another gap is research access. The deal does not require TikTok to share data with vetted Canadian public-interest researchers, like academics or journalists. Currently, researchers from Canada are not qualified for access to the TikTok application programming interface (API), while their counterparts in the European Union and U.S. are. This makes it harder for Canadian researchers to independently study the platform’s impact on Canadian users.

A cautious compromise

Overall, the agreement reflects a compromise. Canada avoided a disruptive ban; TikTok accepted tighter rules to keep operating in a key market. The deal reduces some risks, but it does not resolve deeper questions about ownership, data flows and national security.

Those tensions are likely to resurface as Canada continues to grapple with how to regulate global platforms that play an outsized role in everyday life.

The Conversation

Anatoliy Gruzd receives funding from the Canada Research Chair program (SSHRC).

Philip Mai does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Canada’s new TikTok compromise fails to resolve questions of ownership and national security – https://theconversation.com/canadas-new-tiktok-compromise-fails-to-resolve-questions-of-ownership-and-national-security-278182

The world’s waste mountain is rising at an alarming rate

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Costas Velis, Lecturer in Resource Efficiency Systems, School of Civil Engineering, University of Leeds; Imperial College London

neenawat khenyothaa/Shutterstock

The world is struggling to deal with ever-growing quantities of waste.

A new World Bank Group report, What a Waste 3.0, shows that more than 2.6 billion tonnes of municipal solid waste (which includes rubbish from households, businesses and street cleaning) were generated in 2022. That figure is projected to rise to 3.9 billion tonnes by 2050. The good news is that the share of waste that is mismanaged is expected to fall over that period, from around 30% to around 20%.

That sounds like progress. But percentages can be misleading. The quantity of mismanaged waste, including plastics, is projected to remain almost unchanged, at around 760 million tonnes. This means that by 2050, enormous quantities of waste will still be openly dumped, burned or otherwise unmanaged, with many households and communities left to deal with it themselves.

This new report, which we contributed to, brings together the most recent publicly accessible municipal waste data from 217 countries and economies (such as the Channel Islands) and 262 cities. It highlights that although waste systems are improving in many places, those gains are being undermined by the growth in the amount of waste generated.

Stacked bar chart showing projected global municipal solid waste treatment under a business-as-usual scenario from 2022 to 2050. Total waste rises from 2,562 to 3,855 million tonnes per year, while the mismanaged share falls from 30% to 20%.
Business-as-usual scenario for global municipal solid waste treatment, disposal and uncollected waste.
Data from Ed Cook, Kremena Ionkova, Perinaz Bhada-Tata, Sonakshi Yadav, Frank Van Woerden. 2026. What a Waste 3.0: Global Snapshot of Solid Waste Management Toward Circularity until 2050. Urban Development Series. Washington, DC: World Bank., CC BY

This matters because when waste is not managed properly, the consequences affect human health, the environment and the economy. Poor waste management contributes to air and water pollution, damages ecosystems, increases greenhouse gas emissions and makes cities harder and less pleasant to live in.

One of the clearest examples is open burning. In many developing countries, where formal waste collection remains incomplete or absent, open burning is one of the main ways households and communities “self-manage” their waste. These fires burn at low and uneven temperatures. Combined with a mixed waste stream that can include plastics, organics and other materials, they release a complex cocktail of pollutants that can threaten the health of people living and working nearby.

With new data on self-management, this report shows how waste is actually managed across large parts of the world, especially where formal systems remain weak. Forms of self-management of waste include open dumping, open burning, burying waste in informal pits, dumping into waterways and coastal waters, and some forms of informal recovery such as recycling or composting.




Read more:
Health crisis: up to a billion tonnes of waste potentially burned in the open every year


So if the harms of poor waste management are well known, why does the problem persist?

One reason is cost. Municipal waste management is resource intensive. Many countries are still spending far less than is needed to provide universal and reliable services. Our analysis suggests that even basic systems involving collection, transport and disposal tend to cost at least US$40 (£30) to US$45 per tonne in low-income countries. In middle-income countries, basic systems cost roughly US$70 to US$80 per tonne, while in high-income countries costs can exceed US$200 per tonne.

At those cost levels, low-income countries would have needed around 0.78% of their combined GDP in 2022 to achieve universal waste management coverage. Middle-income countries would have needed roughly 0.31% to 0.46% of GDP. Yet reported public spending on solid waste management is less than 0.15% of GDP in about three-quarters of low- and middle-income countries and 0.31% in high income countries.

That financing gap helps explain why waste collection is not comprehensively provided, why open dumping is still common and why so many people are left to manage waste themselves.

Open burning of mixed roadside waste beside an iron fence, with smoke drifting across a grassy area and trees.
Around 2 billion people do not have access to solid waste collection, meaning they have to manage it themselves, often through dumping and open burning, as in Nizamat Fort Campus, West Bengal in India.
Biswarup Ganguly, CC BY

The total financial costs are also rising fast. Globally, municipal waste management cost more than US$250 billion in 2022. Under a business-as-usual scenario, that annual cost is projected to reach US$426 billion by 2050.

Shifting the costs

The cost of inaction is higher than these service costs alone suggest. Poor waste management brings wider economic losses, for example through ill health, reduced land values, damaged ecosystems, lost materials and harm to sectors such as tourism, agriculture and fisheries.

The world may not be saving money by underinvesting in waste management. It is shifting the costs elsewhere – onto public health, the environment and future generations.




Read more:
Plastic pollution hotspots pinpointed in new research – India ranks top due to high levels of uncollected waste


This is especially important in low- and lower-middle-income countries, where waste generation is rising rapidly, but service coverage and infrastructure are often far below sufficient levels. This report estimates that these countries will require hundreds of billions of dollars in investment over the next 25 years just to expand and improve municipal waste systems. Without faster investment, existing service gaps will widen and the costs of inaction will grow.

The world’s waste crisis cannot be understood only as an environmental problem. It is also a financing, public health, governance and development problem. Better data helps us see that more clearly.

Waste management is improving, but not fast enough. Unless investment and performance accelerate, the amount of mismanaged waste worldwide is unlikely to change, causing harm to public health.

The Conversation

Costas Velis has consulted for UNEP – International Environmental Technology Centre, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), EMG, the Resources and Waste Advisory Group (with funds from GIZ), the ICF (with funds from The Pew Charitable Trusts), and MARS Inc. via Imperial Consultants). He receives funding from UK Research Innovation and Global Challenges Research Fund, Grid-Arendal, The World Bank Group via UN Operations and the International Union for Conservation of Nature, and the EU via UK Research Innovation grant agreement. He serves on the steering committee for project STOP by SYSTEMIQ Indonesia; was Chair of the International Solid Waste Association Marine Litter Task Force; is on the policy and innovation forum for the Chartered Institution of Wastes Management; He is member of and served at Steering Committee of the Scientist’s Coalition for an Effective Plastics Treaty, and is the owner and Director of Fuelogy, a small research consultancy registered in the UK that offers scientifically impartial services in solid waste management, resource recovery and the circular economy to sustainability-focused consultancies, non-governmental organisations, and international organisations.

Ed Cook has consulted for: Women in Informal Employment, Globalizing and Organizing (WIEGO), World Bank Group, Julie’s Bicycle, Vision 2025, ICF (funded by Pew Charitable Trust), OHE, WasteAware (funded by GIZ), IUCN (funded by World Bank via UNOPs). He has worked on research projects funded by: Grid Arendal (funded by NORAD), Mars, Eunomia Research and Consulting (funded by The World Bank Group), and ICF (funded by the Pew Charitable Trust). He is a Chartered Waste Manager with the Chartered Institute of Wastes Management in the UK, a member of The Scientists’ Coalition for an Effective Plastics Treaty, and a member of the International Solid Waste Association.

ref. The world’s waste mountain is rising at an alarming rate – https://theconversation.com/the-worlds-waste-mountain-is-rising-at-an-alarming-rate-278627

Lady Day: March 25 was the start of the year in England and Wales until 1752

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Sara Read, Senior Lecturer in English, Loughborough University

Museo del Prado, CC BY-NC

We associate New Year with deep mid-winter and the tidy date of January 1, but for 600 years between 1155 until 1752 in England and Wales the new year began on 25 March. This day was one of the quarter days that divided the year historically and on which rents and debts were settled. March 25 became the quarter day where annual accounts were finalised. So, around about now, we’d have been preparing to welcome in a new year alongside the warmer weather and spring blooms.

Celebrations were double as the legal and ecclesiastical calendar worked in harmony as March 25 is also Lady Day or the Feast of the Annunciation. Falling exactly nine months before Christmas Day, for Christians it marks when the archangel Gabriel informed Mary that she was shortly to bear a son.

Feast days are normally days of indulgence and merrymaking, but Lady Day normally falls in Lent, a time of abstinence. This meant, for some, Lady Day was a temporary lightening of Lenten restrictions.

Also known as Annunciation Day, Lady Day has sometimes fallen on Good Friday, as it did in 1608. This day is the opposite of a feast day, marking the crucifixion and death of Christ, which is observed through fasting and abstinence. The poet John Donne reflected on this crossover in 1608 in Upon the Annunciation where he saw it as an opportunity to be extra pious:

“Tamely, frail body, abstain today;
today My soul eats twice,
Christ hither and away”

So for Donne, this was a day of fasting and reflection to commemorate both the coming of Christ and his death.

Superstitions

Lady Day has many associated superstitions. An anonymous pamphlet printed in 1721 called When my Lord Falls in my Lady’s Lap, England Beware of a Great Mishap takes its title from an old saying that means that it is unlucky when Lady Day falls on or near Easter Sunday. The author proceeds to run through the many calamities that have happened on such inauspicious occasions.

For instance, it tells of how in 1117 the heir to Henry I, William Adelin was drowned in the sinking of the White Ship along with 300 other souls. The author hasn’t got their facts quite straight here as this disaster happened in November 1120. By Victorian times, this superstition about Lady’s day falling near Easter Sunday was considered old fashioned with The Hampshire Advertiser describing it as a “former ill omen” in its 21 March 1846 edition.

Customs

Lady’s Day is still celebrated in some parts of the UK. In Hampshire, The Tichborne Dole on Lady’s Day dates back to around 1150. Mabella (or Isabella), Lady de Tichborne of Alresford, made a deathbed request that an annual donation of bread, baked with grains from her lands, be made in her memory to the parish poor.

Her rather less charitably minded husband, Sir Roger, agreed on condition that his benevolence was limited to crops from just the land that she could walk around while carrying a single burning log from the fire. According to the legend, the dying Mabella crawled her way around some 23 acres before the flame went out. This area is still known as “The Crawls”.

The Tichborne Dole (1671) by Gillis van Tilborgh
The Tichborne Dole (1671) by Gillis van Tilborgh.
Wikimedia

It’s said Mabella left a curse on the house that if ever the dole was stopped the family line would die out. Specifically, she vowed that a generation of seven sons would be followed by a generation of seven daughters. The dole continued uninterrupted until 1794 and it would seem that Mabella’s curse came to pass when the last male Tichborne had a family of seven daughters. And so, the custom was reinstated.

A film, The Tichborne Curse, was released in 1947. The reinstated Dole is still taking place today. Adults from the parishes of Tichborne and Cheriton are entitled to claim one gallon (2kg) of flour, and children half a gallon each.

Always in April

The dating system in the US, Britain and Ireland changed in 1752 when these countries adopted the Gregorian calendar. Then the legal New Year in these countries became the same as it had been in Scotland for the last century and a half: January 1.

However, it wasn’t just the year start that needed adjusting, as the new calendar was now out by several days. This meant that in England, 11 days were “lost” as Wednesday September 2 1752 was followed by Thursday September 14 1752 in order to right things. The jump must have been very disconcerting if we consider how much the clocks going forward an hour throws us out for a while.

In Britain, the legacy of the old-style dating system lives on in our tax system. Where the new tax year was March 25 (the old New Year) it was moved to April 5, and later to April 6, due to the leapfrog in dates 1752.

This day became Old Lady Day. April 6 day now stood in for the financial aspects of the quarter day, which meant this was the date in which new leases on farms and land began and often farm labouring families moved into new tied housing on that day as they signed new year long contracts. Author Thomas Hardy includes this in his 1891 novel Tess of the d’Urbervilles. Tess is hired on a farm upon “her agreeing to remain till Old Lady-Day”.

So March 25 may be a day that for most goes by with little notice now but it was once a major holiday that marked the beginning of the new year.

The Conversation

Sara Read does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Lady Day: March 25 was the start of the year in England and Wales until 1752 – https://theconversation.com/lady-day-march-25-was-the-start-of-the-year-in-england-and-wales-until-1752-278617

My unsung hero of science: Buckminster Fuller, the architect who wanted to redesign the world (and inspired a nanosized one)

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Antonios Kelarakis, Reader in Polymers ad Nanomaterials, School of Pharmacy and Biomedical Sciences, University of Lancashire

On November 14 1985, a letter announcing the discovery of a superstable species of carbon appeared in the science journal Nature. Even the letter’s title, C₆₀: Buckminsterfullerene, caused a stir among the journal’s scholarly readers.

Molecules are usually named with sterile precision. This one was named after the American architect and futurist Richard Buckminster Fuller (Bucky to his friends), whose geodesic domes had become icons of modern design in the 1950s and 60s.

Fuller’s spherical domes were designed to be lightweight yet strong, with each triangular element distributing stress evenly across a curved framework. C₆₀ was the atomic analogue of these domes, built not from steel struts but carbon atoms – each joined by strong bonds with three of its neighbours to create a tiny spherical cage.

This new allotrope of carbon was so stable and symmetric that it redrew the map of molecular architecture. It kicked off a scientific sprint that led, barely a decade later, to the 1996 Nobel prize in chemistry for English scientist Harold Kroto and his American colleagues Robert Curl and Richard Smalley for their discovery.

Fullerenes (now nicknamed Buckyballs) had always existed on Earth – in candle soot, volcanic emissions and ancient minerals. But their scientific discovery emerged from an attempt to simulate the chemistry of carbon-rich red giant stars.

The discovery opened the era of nanotechnology – the manufacture and manipulation of materials at previously impossibly small scales. But this is not the only way Fuller’s name is remembered in science.

Buckminster Fuller holding a geodesic sphere
Buckminster Fuller holding a geodesic sphere, the structure he pioneered.
Wikimedia, CC BY-NC-ND

Who was Buckminster Fuller?

Few 20th-century figures are as hard to classify as Fuller. He was, at the least, an inventor, designer, engineer, writer, philosopher and futurist. Born in Massachusetts in 1895, his formal education was brief and rather turbulent – he was expelled twice from Harvard University. Yet this did not lessen his ambition to redesign the world.

Fuller could be eccentric and sometimes controversial. His early enterprises frequently failed, yet his charisma and boundless optimism made him a compelling public figure. The result was a remarkable portfolio of inventions and concepts, showcasing bold prototypes and radical ideas.

His earliest geodesic domes were built from lightweight materials, typically steel tubular struts connected in a triangular lattice and clad with acrylic panels. They capitalised on the structural advantage of symmetry: enclosing a vast space with relatively little material and remaining exceptionally strong.

Fuller patented the design in 1951. Despite initial scepticism from some in the architectural establishment, geodesic domes soon found practical applications. The US Marine Corps used them for rapidly deployable radar stations in Arctic conditions.

One of the most famous examples is the giant dome built for the Expo 67 international exposition in the Canadian city of Montreal. Known today as the Montreal Biosphere, the structure became one of the most recognisable symbols of futuristic architecture in the 1960s.

Video: Atlas Pictures.

Alongside his designs, Fuller spent much of his life developing Synergetics, a philosophical-geometric framework exploring how structures and energies interact in nature. At the heart of this work was “ephemeralisation” — a term Fuller coined to describe the process of achieving ever greater results with fewer materials and less energy.

In later life, he became a global intellectual celebrity, delivering thousands of lectures around the world. Fuller captivated audiences with a unique vision of design, technology and planetary stewardship — once delivering a marathon series of lectures entitled “Everything I know”. It ran for 42 hours.

The power of symmetry

Symmetry is among science’s most powerful unifying codes and one of its most versatile interpretive tools. It reveals surprising equivalences between forms that differ in size but not in structure.

In the 1960s, footballs adopted a similar geometry to Fuller’s geodesic dome: a combination of 12 pentagons and 20 hexagons stitched into a resilient mesh to absorb force and rolls with minimal deformation. Indeed, a diagram of a football was used to illustrate the announcement of C₆₀: Buckminsterfullerene.


Frank Malina beside a rocket

This series is dedicated to lesser-known, highly influential scientists who have had a powerful influence on the careers and research paths of many others, including the authors of these articles.


A growing family of atom-thin, superstrong materials has emerged since that 1985 Nature letter. These include the tiny-in-diameter but much longer carbon nanotubes in 1991, and the one-atom thick graphene in 2004 – both of which are now widely used in electronics, sensors, composites and energy devices.

When added to polymer composites or metal alloys, these tiny carbon cages strengthen and lighten materials, enhancing performance in everything from aircraft components and solar panels to medical tools including MRI scanners.

Doing more with less

The structure of fullerenes naturally realises Fuller’s principle of ephemeralisation – the ability to do more and more with less and less.

Fuller imagined technological progress as a path toward efficiency, elegance, sustainability and abundance. He applied ephemeralisation across his designs, harnessing science and geometry to achieve maximum performance with minimal resources.

Video: The Wall Street Journal.

Beyond geodesic domes, his innovations included the Dymaxion House – a prefabricated, environmentally efficient home designed for easy mass production and transport – and the Dymaxion Car. Patented in 1933, its streamlined aerodynamic bodywork was designed to carry more passengers while improving both fuel efficiency and top speed.

Fuller also imagined radical solutions for extreme environments. These included the Undersea Island – a submerged base anchored by crisscrossing cables to stay rock steady in storms – and the suspension building system, which inverted the idea of a suspension bridge into an arched dome that created vast interior space with minimal material.

Fuller died in 1983 after a lifetime spent redesigning the world – and reimagining how humanity might live. Two years later, chemistry paid him an unexpected tribute: a perfectly symmetrical carbon molecule was named after him, recognising his lifelong dedication to geometrical efficiency.

In the nanosized Buckyball, Fuller’s aspirational social ideas are encapsulated in a molecule that embodies minimalism, efficiency and intelligent design.

The Conversation

Antonios Kelarakis does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. My unsung hero of science: Buckminster Fuller, the architect who wanted to redesign the world (and inspired a nanosized one) – https://theconversation.com/my-unsung-hero-of-science-buckminster-fuller-the-architect-who-wanted-to-redesign-the-world-and-inspired-a-nanosized-one-278272

Showing shoppers the ‘cost per wear’ of their clothing choices could make fashion greener

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Lisa Eckmann, Assistant Professor in Marketing, University of Bath

Rneaw/Shutterstock

Imagine a man wants to buy a new shirt for work that he plans to wear once a week for at least the next five years. When browsing for options, he finds one shirt from a lower-quality brand priced at £20 and one shirt from a high-quality brand for £50. Which one should he buy?

From his previous experience with the two brands, he knows that if he plans to wear the shirt once a week (so roughly 50 times per year) the lower-quality shirt will last him about a year. After that, he will need to replace it. The high-quality shirt will be good for at least four years. But clearly, the high-quality shirt is also more expensive.

Our theoretical shopper would probably conclude that the high-quality shirt makes more economic sense. Taking into account the purchase price relative to how many times he can wear the shirt, it would cost him only 25 pence for each time he would wear it, compared to the lower-quality shirt at 40 pence.

This is the logic of “cost per wear”. Some fashion blogs and small businesses have started using this concept to make the case for high-quality clothing. The rationale is simple – higher-quality clothing should last longer, making a higher purchase price worthwhile in the long run. Cost per wear is calculated by dividing the garment price by the number of times the consumer expects to wear it.

Essentially, cost per wear works much like unit pricing in supermarkets. These measures already help consumers compare things like the price of a product per 100g, per chocolate bar in a multipack, or per laundry load. But this same logic isn’t yet applied to clothes in a retail setting.

The fashion industry is one of the largest contributors to environmental harm, accounting for up to 8% of the world’s carbon emissions, causing immense water pollution due to textile treatments such as dyeing, and producing millions of tonnes of textile waste annually.

Using cost per wear in shops or online retail spaces could reduce the environmental impact of fashion – the more frequently a garment can be worn, the more efficiently the consumed resources are used. And of course the longer that garment remains in use, the less often it needs to be replaced.

huge pile of waste textiles against a blue sky.
Textile waste is a growing crisis, driven in part by fast fashion.
Sasha Ostapiuk/Shutterstock

The problem is that most shoppers don’t know how long a garment will last. Without a prompt in stores or online, many consumers do not even consider clothing longevity when buying.

But standardised fabric-testing methods exist already. These methods assess the durability of fabric according to the number of abrasion cycles (that is, the number of rubs against an abrasive surface) it can tolerate before showing signs of wear. This could easily be applied to clothing, allowing retailers to include cost per wear labels alongside the purchase price.

In research I carried out with Lucia Reisch from Cambridge Judge Business School, we tested this idea. In a number of experiments, we showed participants from online panels a lower-quality, cheaper garment (a sweater, for example) and a higher-quality, more expensive version. We then asked which they would prefer.

Fast fashion suddenly wasn’t so affordable

When we included information on the cost per wear for both options – or even just the high-quality option (showing a lower cost per wear compared to a poorer-quality option, or a reference value), participants were more likely to choose the more expensive, high-quality option.

The effect was stronger when participants were shopping for everyday wear over occasion wear, when they could compare the cost per wear between options, and when the cost per wear information was said to be certified by an independent third party. Participants then trusted the information more, and we found that this could outperform a general durability claim made by a brand.

Our studies showed that cost per wear can make cheap fashion suddenly appear more expensive to shoppers – the high-quality options were viewed as better financial investments. And by choosing the more economical, high-quality option, participants were also choosing the greener option.

Cost per wear can increase the perception of affordability for more expensive, high‐quality clothing. But of course many shoppers will still not be able to afford the higher purchase price even though they know it would make more long-term economic sense.

And cost per wear only reflects the durability of an item as one dimension of sustainability. It does not reflect ethical considerations, such as the conditions workers face in the production process, or ecological aspects such as the use of natural or synthetic fibres.

Brands and retailers must also be willing to display cost per wear labels without regulation. High-quality brands may arguably have a greater incentive to do so than fast fashion brands.

However, the concept of cost per wear is still worth pursuing. It can prompt shoppers at the point of purchase to consider a garment’s durability and how often they might wear it. And ideally, it would motivate them to ditch fast fashion and choose greener options – even if just to save money in the long run.

The Conversation

Lisa Eckmann does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Showing shoppers the ‘cost per wear’ of their clothing choices could make fashion greener – https://theconversation.com/showing-shoppers-the-cost-per-wear-of-their-clothing-choices-could-make-fashion-greener-270837

Rising energy prices will hit millions: here are three ways the UK government could shield vulnerable households

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Cassandra Etter-Wenzel, PhD Candidate in Energy Policy, University of Oxford

Just Jus / shutterstock

Even before the US-Israel war on Iran, people in the UK were unusually vulnerable to sudden swings in the cost of energy. Depending how you count it, either 11% or 30% of households are officially energy poor, and already struggled to afford basic needs in times of relative peace.

The government’s fuel poverty strategy for England, published in January 2026, focuses on long-term measures such as home insulation upgrades. But it says little about how to protect vulnerable households quickly in this crisis or in future price shocks.

To reduce the immediate harm, ministers need tools that can be deployed now, not just reforms that may take years to deliver.

Here are three measures that could be deployed right now.

A social tariff

The most effective step would be to discount energy bills for lower-income or vulnerable households – a so-called “social tariff”.

This is often seen as difficult or politically risky. But energy remains one of the few essential services without targeted affordability support. Water and telecoms already enjoy it, and energy should be no different.

In a policy brief we published late last year, we showed that the UK electricity system hits lower-income households hardest and produces “uneven bills”. This means that two households using the same amount of electricity can face differences in bills of up to 15% depending on where they live, and another 22% depending on payment method or contract type.

woman and toddler doing laundry
Laundry costs more – or less – depending on where you live.
Carlos G. Lopez / shutterstock

A social tariff would be fairer. Through a lower unit rate or a bill discount it would protect households with the least room to cut energy use – such as older people, low-income households, those with medical-related electricity needs and renters in inefficient homes.

These policies can also encourage energy efficiency. For instance, in California, the state’s Care programme discounts electricity and gas bills for low-income households up to a set level of use. Beyond that point, rates revert to normal.

This is not unrealistic administratively. Portugal introduced automatic eligibility for its social energy tariff in 2016. This used existing tax and social security data to expand the number of households receiving support by 400%.

The UK already has the data infrastructure to do something similar through its benefits and tax system – energy companies wouldn’t have to find out household incomes themselves; they could just ask the government. The near-term step here is straightforward – ministers could ask the industry regulator Ofgem and energy companies to design an automatic, income-linked tariff for winter 2026, instead of waiting for another crisis response.

Emergency support

The second priority is to reduce immediate exposure to the most volatile and expensive fuels.

Government has traditionally responded to shocks like the Ukraine war with emergency bill support. However, these ill-targeted policies are impractical and do not reduce reliance on volatile fossil fuels. Unlike a social tariff, which is a continuous means-tested support payment, emergency support is often a one-off payment. Traditionally, emergency support is a flat payment to all households, meaning those on lower incomes benefit less in relative terms, though it can also be targeted at vulnerable households.

Transport is one immediate opportunity. Rather than (yet again) freezing fuel duty, the government could redirect this money into cheaper public transport for low-income and car-dependent households.

Germany’s €9 (£8) public transport ticket, introduced in 2022 during the energy and cost-of-living crisis, shows that governments really can act quickly when necessary.

People chatting on a bus
Subsidised public transport could help out people struggling with expensive energy.
PintoArt / shutterstock

Households that are off the gas grid and reliant on heating oil are especially exposed when global prices rise. Alongside short-term support, like the welcome £50 million announced last week, the government should consider targeted support to switch from oil to heat pumps. The economic case for heat pumps is especially strong for households relying on heating oil. This switch would immediately reduce their exposure to oil prices.

Help households access existing savings

The third priority is to ensure vulnerable households can benefit from money-saving features that are already available in the electricity system.

Smart meters, time-of-use tariffs and shifting electricity use to cheaper times of day can cut bills, but the savings are not automatic. Those who could benefit most are often least likely to be able to access them.

The near-term priority is not new schemes, but making existing ones usable. The government could require suppliers, local authorities and landlords to prioritise smart meters and other low-carbon technologies in social housing and private rentals, where people face the greatest barriers to accessing these savings. It could also fund trusted community organisations to help households choose suitable tariffs, avoid poor deals and access support if they fall into arrears.

This may sound less dramatic than a new subsidy scheme, but clarity matters in a price shock. Households cannot benefit from cheaper tariffs or smart systems they do not know about or cannot use, so financial support often flows most to those already best placed to respond.

The UK cannot prevent global energy price shocks, but it can choose who bears its greatest burden. What is missing is political will. If the government is serious about protecting vulnerable households, it needs a strategic short-term response that matches the scale of urgency.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Rising energy prices will hit millions: here are three ways the UK government could shield vulnerable households – https://theconversation.com/rising-energy-prices-will-hit-millions-here-are-three-ways-the-uk-government-could-shield-vulnerable-households-279128