Will the conflict in Lebanon destroy the US-Iran ceasefire? Maybe, but it was already shaky

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Jessica Genauer, Academic Director, Public Policy Institute, UNSW Sydney

Just hours after the leaders of the United States, Israel and Iran reached a temporary ceasefire, it was clear that each party had its own version of what had been agreed to.

Hundreds of people in Lebanon have been killed in Israeli airstrikes in the past 24 hours, immediately threatening to undermine the fragile agreement.

Iran had insisted hostilities in Lebanon cease as part of the deal, but Israel argued Lebanon was not included. The result is an ongoing proxy conflict alongside the main war, which has been paused for two weeks.

Given the US seems uninterested in addressing the intractable issues at the heart of tensions in the Middle East, this result was somewhat inevitable. It seems the most likely outcome now is the US will back out while claiming victory, leaving the region’s prewar status quo largely intact.

The importance of Lebanon

Lebanon has not been an official part of the war in the region, and is not a party to the ceasefire. So why is it so central to the conflict?

Since the Iranian revolution of 1979, the Iranian regime has funded and armed anti-Israel movements in the region including Hezbollah in Lebanon, Hamas in Gaza and the Houthis in Yemen.

Throughout its history as a nation, Israel has at times occupied and held security “buffer zones” around its territory.

After the fall of leader Bashar al-Assad in 2024, Israeli forces conducted a military operation in southern Syria, occupying a demilitarised buffer zone in the southwest of the country.

Israel has diplomatic agreements with Egypt and Jordan, leaving the focus on Iran and the proxies it supports. The proxies closest to Israel, and therefore of most concern from the government’s perspective, are Hamas in Gaza and Hezbollah in Lebanon.

Since the October 7 attacks, the Israeli government has taken an offensive military approach to dealing with both groups. From the perspective of Israel, Hamas and Hezbollah are just as severe security threats as Iran.

While both proxy groups have been severely degraded since 2023, they are still operating.

Since the onset of the conflict with Iran, the Israeli government has taken the opportunity to extend a security buffer zone in southern Lebanon. Under President Benjamin Netanyahu, Israel is very unlikely to give up this ambition.

For Trump’s part, it is unclear whether he could persuade Netanyahu to abandon it, or if he even wants to try.

Will the ceasefire survive?

Unless the US can bring Israel into line and convince Netanyahu to stop its action in Lebanon, the ceasefire will fall apart.

Iran has insisted fighting in Lebanon must end as part of the agreement. This is the regime’s way of protecting and supporting its much-diminished proxies. As negotiations get underway for a more lasting deal, the issue of Lebanon will become a key sticking point.

This is in part because resisting Israel and the US is not just politically expedient for Iran; it is at the core of the Iranian regime’s identity and existence.

While deeper antagonism that drives tensions in the region remains unaddressed, there’s little prospect of lasting peace.

Trump seems set on a US withdrawal from the war with Iran. The US leaves behind a security environment that upholds the existing tensions in the region. Iran and Israel will continue to engage in the tit-for-tat violence that led us here.

A flawed exit strategy

A key issue with Trump’s approach in the Middle East is he has no real interest in resolving the core issue of Israel’s place in the region. He’s shown little grasp of the deeper historical roots at play.

What seems to be front of mind for Trump is the unpopularity of the war within the US. With Trump’s approval ratings at a record low and the conflict already dragging on longer than many expected, the president is looking for a way out.

This might be why Iran’s ten-point plan, which was previously “not good enough”, is now a “workable basis on which to negotiate”.

While there are competing versions of the ten points, they all include conditions the US could never reasonably accept, such as leaving control of the Strait of Hormuz in Iranian hands.

Iran also insists it wants to reserve the right to enrich uranium, something that would be contrary to the stated basis for this war in the first place: Iran’s ability to develop nuclear weapons.

By declaring the conditions suddenly right for a ceasefire, Trump is stating a reality he’d like to see, rather than describing tangible changes on the ground.

In practice, the US has already ceded ground to Iran, which has indicated it is not willing to compromise on anything. While Iran’s military capability to interfere in the region may be diminished for now, the will remains.

So with the ten points as a basis of negotiation, it is hard to see a path towards lasting peace in the next fortnight. Instead the US is likely to exit, leaving behind a lot of damage, but little materially changed.

The Conversation

Jessica Genauer does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Will the conflict in Lebanon destroy the US-Iran ceasefire? Maybe, but it was already shaky – https://theconversation.com/will-the-conflict-in-lebanon-destroy-the-us-iran-ceasefire-maybe-but-it-was-already-shaky-280259

In mediating the US-Iran peace talks, Pakistan is flexing its geopolitical muscles

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Samina Yasmeen, Director of Centre for Muslim States and Societies, The University of Western Australia

When news of the fragile ceasefire between the United States, Israel and Iran first broke, it came via a post on X by Pakistan’s Prime Minister, Shehbaz Sharif.

Securing such a big diplomatic win is highly significant for Pakistan, irrespective of how the agreement has since been tested.

Pakistan will remain central to ongoing peace negotiations, with talks between the parties being held in the country on April 10.

So how did Pakistan manage to bring the parties together? It harnessed long-running relationships, shared histories and security agreements to flex its diplomatic muscles.

Pakistan and Iran go back a long way

Pakistan and Iran have a long history as friends and allies. Sharing more than 900 kilometres of border, the countries have been involved in dispute mediation for one another since Pakistan’s creation in 1947.


CC BY-SA

During Iran’s monarchical period, which ended in 1979, Pakistan relied on Iran’s mediation in its disputes with Afghanistan, and active support in Pakistan’s wars with India in 1965 and 1971.

But the relationship has not been free of challenges. Pakistan’s Prime Minister Z A Bhutto, according to some sources on the ground, resented the Iranian Shah’s overbearing attitude.

The closeness has held since the Islamic regime took over. With nearly 20% of Pakistan’s population being comprised of Shia Muslims, the dominant form of Islam in Iran, there’s long been a close relationship between those Pakistani Muslims and the Iranian regime.

Iran has used these communities to spread their version of Islam and politics, but it has walked a fine line. The regime has ensured tensions do not exceed beyond certain point where the Pakistani government considers it to be a destabilising factor and a threat to Pakistan’s security.

Because of this shared history and the geographic proximity, the Iranian regime is at least willing to listen to Pakistan.

Eyeing regional and national security

This is particularly so because of Pakistan’s own security situation, especially in the event that a weakened or fragmented Iran would result in the emergence of multiple smaller states.

Pakistan’s geographically largest province, Balochistan, has been experiencing renewed militancy spearheaded by separatist group the Baloch Liberation Army. The militants have attacked multiple military targets, law enforcement agencies and public servants, especially those hailing from the Punjab province (the largest in terms of population and resources).




Read more:
Who are the Baloch Liberation Army? Pakistan train hijacking was fuelled by decades of neglect and violence


There has been a growing sense in Pakistan that a weakened or fragmented Iran could further strengthen the appeal of Baloch Liberation Army ideology. The Pakistani government doesn’t want a situation where calls for a greater Balochistan encompass areas on both sides of its border with Iran.

Another consideration is that Pakistan has a nuclear program. The Pakistani government may fear its nuclear arsenal being next in line for targeting by foreign countries, and therefore seek to de-escalate tensions across the region.

It’s also worth noting the potentially precarious position Pakistan finds itself in geographically. The spectre of being sandwiched between an Israeli-controlled Iran, and close Israel ally India, would be something to be avoided.

It’s likely the Iranian regime is aware of these concerns and appreciates that Pakistan’s mediation is grounded in the latter’s own security concerns. But from an Iranian perspective, that’s hardly a bad thing: it means exploring all possible scenarios to reach a ceasefire and a settlement.

Friends in MAGA places

Pakistan is highly credible with the Trump regime. This is primarily because of the dominant role the Pakistani military has played in shaping the country’s foreign policy. This influence has existed for almost 80 years, but has ramped up recently.

In 2022, General Asim Munir took over as the Chief of Army Staff. He was promoted to the rank of Field Marshal in the wake of Pakistan-Indian “mini-war” in May 2025.

Currently occupying the position of Chief of Defence Forces with a guaranteed command of the military for the next five years with the possibility of extension until 2035, he has emerged as the strongest army general to have ruled Pakistan in decades.

Munir has established a cordial relationship with US President Donald Trump. He visited the administration twice, including a meeting in the Oval Office. This was before Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese had secured even a telephone phone call with the president.

The Pakistani Prime Minister, Shehbaz Sharif, shakes hands with US Secretary of State, Marco Rubio, as Field Marshal Asim Munir watches on.
The Pakistani Prime Minister, Shehbaz Sharif, shakes hands with US Secretary of State, Marco Rubio, as Field Marshal Asim Munir watches on.
Andrew Harnick/Getty

Munir has also guided Pakistan’s Gulf policy, particularly the signing of a Strategic Mutual Defence Agreement with Saudi Arabia in September 2025. The agreement builds on the decades of a defence relationship between Pakistan and Saudi Arabia. It includes the clear articulation that any attack on one is considered an attack on both.

Though Pakistan is careful to stress that it does not extend a nuclear umbrella to Saudi Arabia, the agreement signals regional deterrence and ability of the two states collaborating against opponents.

The agreement was followed by a Strategic Defense Agreement between Saudi Arabia and the US during the Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s visit to Washington in November 2025.

Effectively, therefore, a tripartite quasi alliance has emerged between the US, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan.

And then there’s China

At the same time, Pakistan also maintains strong military, economic, and political relations with China. Beijing has been keen to de-escalate the situation in the Gulf due to China’s reliance on oil supplies from the region.

This interest was categorically expressed during the visit by Pakistan’s Foreign Minister, Ishaq Dar, to China on March 31.

Coming soon after Pakistan’s quadrilateral meetings with Saudi, Egyptian and Turkish foreign ministers, the negotiations established Pakistan’s credentials as a state that has the backing of significant Muslim majority states. Combined with the support of China, Pakistan was in prime position to explore solutions to the conflict, without Trump losing face.

The Conversation

Samina Yasmeen does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. In mediating the US-Iran peace talks, Pakistan is flexing its geopolitical muscles – https://theconversation.com/in-mediating-the-us-iran-peace-talks-pakistan-is-flexing-its-geopolitical-muscles-280255

‘A whole civilisation will die tonight’: Trump’s genocide threat against Iran was another new low for America

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Rodrigo Praino, Professor & Director, Jeff Bleich Centre for Democracy and Disruptive Technologies, Flinders University

Around 153 BCE, Cato the Elder, one of Rome’s most prominent senators, began ending every single one of his speeches with the same words: “Carthago delenda est”, or “Carthage must be destroyed”.

His relentless campaign to destroy Carthage has been described as the first recorded incitement to genocide.

The genocide actually happened: Rome destroyed Carthage and its entire civilisation.

Fast forward to today and the commander-in-chief of the most powerful military in the world, the president of the United States, has declared a “whole civilisation will die tonight, never to be brought back again”, in reference to Iran.

Donald Trump’s words were even stronger than Cato’s. Fortunately, the follow-up was not and the episode ultimately ended in a two-week ceasefire between US-Israel and Iran.




Read more:
The US-Israel ceasefire with Iran presses pause on a costly war, but can peace last?


Is this language unprecedented?

Put simply, yes. Since the beginning of the war with Iran, Trump’s language has been consistently aggressive and extreme.

But the “death of a civilisation” comment crossed a threshold that is striking even measured against his own record.

It came shortly after another expletive-laden social media post.

Trump’s words are unprecedented both in form and in substance.

While US presidents have used plenty of profanities and expletives in private conversations, with Lyndon Johnson and Richard Nixon probably winning any foul-language competition anywhere in the world, Trump is believed to be the only president to have ever deliberately used “fuck” in public.

In substance, no modern US president has ever threatened or incited genocide.

Trump’s infamous “a whole civilisation will die tonight” comment, though, can only be interpreted as an open threat to all 93 million Iranian citizens.

The closest parallel anywhere in the modern world may actually be the Iranian chants “death to America” and “death to Israel”, which have featured prominently in pro-regime rallies since the 1979 revolution.

But even there, the late Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei said in 2019 the chants weren’t aimed at the US or the American people themselves, but at America’s rulers.

Is this language illegal?

Trump’s language, and that of other members of his administration, is deeply concerning and disturbing.

This includes statements by Secretary of War Pete Hegseth that US forces would deny quarter to the enemy and that the US does not fight with “stupid rules of engagement”.

If these words turned into action, they would certainly constitute war crimes.

If Trump really meant he was willing to use the US military against Iran’s civilian population, this action would fall squarely within the definition of genocide provided by Article II of the 1948 United Nations Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide:

acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group.

In other words, any action taken in the spirit of that post would constitute genocide and blatant violation of international law.

More broadly, the legality of the whole US attack on Iran is deeply contentious: most international and US law experts seem to agree the war violates the UN Charter.

There are also serious questions pertaining US constitutional law. The US Constitution does not grant the president the power to declare war – this power belongs to Congress.

Presidents should therefore seek congressional approval before waging war. At the time of writing, the war has been going on for 41 days and no Congressional approval has been obtained.

What can be done about this?

Probably nothing. The US political system does not include an easy way to remove a sitting president.

In the few hours between the infamous statement and the ceasefire declaration, several US political leaders talked about invoking the 25th Amendment.

Under that provision, the vice president and a majority of the cabinet can remove a president from office when they believe the president “is unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office”.

It is unlikely JD Vance and most of the cabinet would be willing to make this case.

The only other avenue would be impeachment by the House of Representatives followed by removal by the Senate. Trump was impeached twice during his first term and acquitted by the Republican majority in the Senate both times.

Currently, Republicans control both chambers, making this option also very unlikely.

Will this have lasting consequences?

Definitely. As political scientist Joseph S. Nye Jr – who identified the concept of soft power – famously explained, soft power is “the ability to get what you want through attraction rather than coercion or payments. It arises from the attractiveness of a country’s culture, political ideals, and policies”.

The US has enjoyed significant soft power throughout the Cold War and beyond.

Now 93 million Iranians have been threatened with the destruction of their entire civilisation by the president of the US, we must ask how far American soft power can realistically go in Iran and around the world moving forward.

In ancient Rome, Cato the Elder died three years before Rome destroyed Carthage. He never saw his words become action.

Hopefully neither Trump nor anyone else will ever see the destruction of Iranian civilisation. But Trump is definitely overseeing the instantaneous destruction of American soft power.

The Conversation

Rodrigo Praino receives funding from the Australian Research Council and the Department of Defence.

ref. ‘A whole civilisation will die tonight’: Trump’s genocide threat against Iran was another new low for America – https://theconversation.com/a-whole-civilisation-will-die-tonight-trumps-genocide-threat-against-iran-was-another-new-low-for-america-280152

Can the Middle East ceasefire hold?

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jonathan Este, Senior International Affairs Editor, Associate Editor, The Conversation

This is the text from The Conversation UK’s World Affairs Briefing email. Sign up here to receive weekly analysis of the latest developments in international relations, direct to your inbox.


It’s still not clear who will turn up in Islamabad tomorrow for the first round of talks aimed at turning the 14-day ceasefire in the Iran war into a permanent end to the crisis. Indeed, it’s not at all certain that the ceasefire will still even exist by then.

To anyone following events, there seemed little, if any, gap between reports that Pakistan had brokered a truce between the warring parties and news that Israel was continuing to attack Hezbollah in Lebanon. But from then the story followed a depressingly familiar path. Iran – backed by Pakistan – claimed that the ceasefire also covered Lebanon. Israel said that it didn’t and it would continue to pound Hezbollah targets there.

For his part, the US president, Donald Trump, said that as far as he was concerned, Israel’s assault on Lebanon was a “separate skirmish”, albeit one of considerable brutality in which 1,400 people were either killed or wounded.

We asked Scott Lucas, of the Clinton Institute at University College Dublin for his take on some of the most important issues which may affect the talks.




Read more:
Why is Israel continuing to attack Lebanon, despite the ceasefire? Expert Q&A


The ceasefire was always going to be fragile, even without Israel’s intervention. There’s clearly no goodwill or trust between the warring parties. Trump was less than two hours away from launching an attack on Iran’s civilian infrastructure, including its power plants and its bridges – a bombardment so monumental that, as he put it: “A whole civilisation will die tonight, never to be brought back again”.

Tehran, for its part, was spitting defiance back at Washington, while calling on its people to form human chains across bridges and around power plants.

Nicholas Wheeler, an international relations expert at the University of Birmingham who has been investigating the role of trust in diplomacy, believes there’s a big difference between a mutual lack of trust between warring parties, and active distrust. In the former situation there is the potential for trust to develop. But in this case – as Iranian foreign minister, Abbas Araghchi noted recently, the US has now twice attacked Iran during ongoing negotiations, so – he says – there is “zero trust” in the US from Tehran’s point of view.

Trump’s failure to bring the Israeli prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, to heel over Israel’s continuing bombardment of Lebanon can only make matters worse.




Read more:
Iran ceasefire: trust will be vital but it’s in short supply right now


And so Iran has not opened the Strait of Hormuz, which was America’s most important demand. We must wait to see what events, both in the Middle East and at the negotiations in Islamabad, will bring. The ceasefire had allowed both Tehran and Washington to declare a victory – which certainly seemed to be something in which the Trump administration placed a great deal of value. Both the US president and his defense secretary, Pete Hegseth, were trumpeting that line on Wednesday – Hegseth going so far as to say that the Iranian military was rendered completely ineffective and that the country’s leadership “begged” for a ceasefire.

Iran also declared victory. And Bamo Nouri and Inderjeet Parmeer of City St George’s, University of London, believe that Tehran has more reason to do so. For one thing, the Islamic Republic has demonstrated resilience in the face of the might of US and Israeli firepower that aimed to destroy it. It has shown that it can use its control of Hormuz to thrown global energy markets into considerable disarray. And, under the terms of the ceasefire accepted by the US president, it is Iran’s ten-point plan which will form the basis of negotiations.




Read more:
Middle East conflict: this ceasefire may have made Iran stronger


Changing world order

The US president, meanwhile, has repeated his criticisms of America’s Nato allies and, according to German news magazine Der Speigel, has issued what European diplomats are calling “an ultimatum” for European member states to send military assistance to the Strait of Hormuz within days.

Trump has been highly critical of Nato as a whole – and several of its member states specifically – because he believes they haven’t done enough to help the US and Israel against Iran. On April 1, he raised the possibility of the US quitting Nato altogether.

But he’s unlikely to pull America out of its transatlantic alliance, writes Paul Whiteley, who gives us three reasons why it’s either not in the US president’s interests or America’s to turn his back on the alliance it has led for nearly eight decades.




Read more:
Three reasons Donald Trump won’t pull the US out of Nato


The emergence of Pakistan as a key interlocutor in all this will have come as something of a surprise to many. But the country has emerged, along with Saudi Arabia, Egypt and Turkey, as part of an important power bloc with influence in the Middle East, writes Natasha Lindstaedt, professor in the Department of Government at the University of Essex.

Lindstaedt argues that these countries want an end to the dominant roles played by both Israel and Iran in the region. The war in Gaza has appalled the Islamic world and put paid to any hopes – certainly for the near future – of any normalisation of relations of the sort envisaged by Donald Trump’s Abraham Accords. And all are also tired of the force for tensions and destabilisation that Iran has represented for nearly five decades.

As Lindstaedt points out, they’re a powerful bunch: Pakistan has nuclear weapons, Saudi Arabia has loads of oil, Egypt controls access to the Suez Canal and Turkey is a member of Nato: “Taken together, they represent the most politically and militarily influential Muslim-majority countries in the world,” she concludes.




Read more:
Pakistan, Turkey, Egypt and Saudi Arabia emerge as a new regional power bloc amid Iran war


Meanwhile in Hungary

Hungarians head to the polls on Sunday for elections which will determine who is to be the country’s next prime minister. The long-time incumbent, Viktor Orbán, faces a stiff challenge from his former political ally, Péter Magyar. Polls show he is seriously up against it.

So the US president dispatched J.D. Vance to campaign alongside the prime minister in a bid to mobilise the country’s far-right eurosceptics. Zsofia Bocskay, of Central European University, sets the scene for what she believes could be a turning point for Hungarian politics.




Read more:
Hungary election: how a new opponent has forced Viktor Orbán into the first genuinely competitive race in 16 years


Birmingham University’s Stefan Wolff, meanwhile, believes that the fall in support for Orbán despite all the help from Washington, reflects a Europe-wide disenchantment with Trump, especially in light of the US president’s apparently warm relationship with Vladimir Putin, a leader many feel poses a very real threat to their security.




Read more:
Hungarian election exposes tensions at the heart of Donald Trump’s plans to boost the far-right in Europe



Sign up to receive our weekly World Affairs Briefing newsletter from The Conversation UK. Every Thursday we’ll bring you expert analysis of the big stories in international relations.


The Conversation

ref. Can the Middle East ceasefire hold? – https://theconversation.com/can-the-middle-east-ceasefire-hold-280307

Drinking water contaminated with ‘forever chemicals’ during pregnancy linked to an increased risk of childhood asthma – new study

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Annelise Blomberg, Associate Researcher in Occupational and Environmental Medicine, Lund University

MVelishchuk/Shutterstock

Pfas, or per- and polyfluoroalkyl substances, are a group of human-made chemicals found in everything from food packaging to firefighting foam. Often called “forever chemicals” due to their persistence in the environment, they can affect our health and disrupt our immune system.

Pfas cross the placenta, so that when a woman is pregnant, she shares some of the Pfas in her body with her unborn child. While most of us are routinely exposed to low levels of Pfas, some communities are exposed to far higher levels from nearby pollution sources, like factories and military fire training areas.

Our new study shows that in one of these at-risk communities, children were more likely to develop asthma if their mothers were exposed to very high Pfas levels during pregnancy.

In 2013, water testing in Ronneby, a town in the southern Swedish county of Blekinge, uncovered extremely high levels of Pfas in one of the town’s two municipal water supplies – more than 200 times higher than the other supply.

swedish town and river
Ronneby, Sweden.
Antony McAulay/Shutterstock

The source of the contamination was a type of fire-fighting foam called aqueous film-forming foam. This chemical mixture containing Pfas is used to extinguish fuel fires. It had been used in firefighting training at a nearby military airbase since the 1980s. Contaminated runoff from the airbase had eventually reached the drinking water. This resulted in high concentrations of two forever chemicals known as PFOS (perfluorooctane sulphonic acid) and PFHxS, among other Pfas.

After that discovery, residents were switched to the town’s other water source. But even though residents now had clean water, their past Pfas exposure could not be reversed. By measuring Pfas directly in the dried blood spots of newborn babies whose mothers had lived in Ronneby, we have shown that Pfas contamination was already present in these children in the mid-1980s. This exposure persisted, undetected, for over 30 years. When the mothers in our study were pregnant, they had no idea that they were exposed.

Connecting contamination to childhood asthma

In Sweden, all residents are given a unique personal identity number. This can be used to link government registry information like place of birth, residential history, annual income and family relations to hospital records. This enables population-level health research that might not be possible in most other countries.

Using Swedish national health and population registers, we followed 11,488 children who were born between 2006 and 2013 in Blekinge county through to the age of 12. We estimated whether and when children would develop asthma using a combination of medical diagnoses and prescription drug records. Healthcare is free of charge for children and easily accessible throughout Blekinge county, so most children with asthma receive treatment.

We didn’t have a blood sample from all 11,488 children, so we couldn’t measure their Pfas exposure directly. This lack of measured exposure usually limits how we can study Pfas health effects in children.

But because Pfas exposure in Ronneby depended so strongly on their drinking water source, we could link mothers’ address history to the municipal water distribution records. This enabled us to identify which mothers received contaminated water at their home in the years before they had a child. Presumably, those women had higher Pfas in their body as a result.

We divided mothers into four groups, from background exposure (living outside of Ronneby) to very high exposure (living at a contaminated address continuously for the five years preceding delivery).

Next, we compared the rates of childhood asthma across the four prenatal exposure groups. We also accounted for other factors that could influence asthma risk, including maternal smoking during pregnancy, the child’s birth order and several measurements of socioeconomic status.

child using asthma inhaler
Children whose mothers had very high Pfas exposure during pregnancy were about 40% more likely to develop asthma than children in the background exposure group.
SeventyFour/Shutterstock

We found that children whose mothers had very high Pfas exposure during pregnancy were about 40% more likely to develop asthma than children in the background exposure group. Children in the intermediate exposure groups did not have higher risk. We then directly compared very high-exposed children to a carefully matched group of similar background-exposed children. We found that 27% of the very high-exposed group developed asthma by age 12, compared to 16% of the background-exposed group.

This study is one of the first to identify a link between Pfas exposure and asthma in childhood. Unlike earlier research, we were able to include children with very high Pfas exposure before birth – and we only saw an effect in this very high group, which may explain the inconsistent results of previous studies.

One possibility is that the potentially harmful effects of Pfas on lung function only occur at very high exposure. Another possibility is that, even if Pfas has an effect at lower levels, it only becomes serious enough for a diagnosis at very high exposure.

Ronneby is not an anomaly. There are more than 13,000 sites across Europe where firefighting foam contamination is likely. Our research offers important insights into the potential health effects of this contamination in affected communities. Asthma is one of the most common chronic diseases in children. If high Pfas exposure contributes to this public health burden, it is a burden that has gone largely unrecognised until now.

The Conversation

Annelise Blomberg receives funding from European Union’s Horizon Europe program under the Marie Skłodowska-Curie Postdoctoral Fellowships (grant number 101058697) and the Swedish Research Council for Health, Working Life and Welfare (FORTE, grant number 2024-00748). Views and opinions expressed are those of the authors only and do not necessarily reflect those of the European Union or the European Research Executive Agency (REA), and neither the European Union or the REA can be held responsible for them.

Anna Saxne Jöud receives funding from the Swedish Research Council for Health, Working Life and Welfare (grant number 2020-00112).

Christel Nielsen receives funding from Formas – the Swedish Research Council for Sustainable Development, the Jan Hain Foundation for Scientific Clinical Medical Research, the Crafoord Foundation, and the Royal Physiographic Society in Lund.

ref. Drinking water contaminated with ‘forever chemicals’ during pregnancy linked to an increased risk of childhood asthma – new study – https://theconversation.com/drinking-water-contaminated-with-forever-chemicals-during-pregnancy-linked-to-an-increased-risk-of-childhood-asthma-new-study-278736

80 years later, scholarship is breaking silence on women’s suffering and strength at Treblinka – including their role in its uprising

Source: The Conversation – USA (3) – By Chad S.A. Gibbs, Assistant Professor of Jewish Studies, College of Charleston

A commemorative ceremony in 2013 marks the 70th anniversary of the revolt in the Treblinka death camp. Adrian Grycuk/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA

Adek Stein – a Holocaust survivor from Bialystok, Poland – looked anxiously about the room, struggling with the question he’d just been asked. As his eyes searched his small audience, it was clear he was nervous. That itself wasn’t new. But the interviewer had asked about sexual violence during the Holocaust, and Stein’s face seemed to betray a pain and worry he had lived with for years.

The USC Shoah Foundation, which filmed its interview with Stein at his home in Australia in 1995, tries to interview survivors one-on-one, without distraction. But that day, several young women, presumably members of Stein’s family, stayed in the room as he gave testimony – including his experiences as a forced laborer at the Treblinka extermination camp, where more than 900,000 Jews were murdered. Then it came time to talk about how some Germans had taken Jewish women, in his words, “to make fun.”

He stopped and looked at each of those present. Speaking to his interviewer, Stein said he did not want to go on, worried that the story was “too drastic” to recount “in front of these girls.” Stein’s interviewer told him to continue, but he changed the subject and moved on. That was it. Whatever more he knew about the fate of those women went untold.

Sexual violence and exploitation of women during the Holocaust, as well as LGBTQ+ people’s experiences, are some of the many topics that survivors have often struggled to discuss, even decades after the war. In many cases, it has taken years for even the broadest histories to emerge. As ever, what readers can learn about the past is limited by what witnesses were willing to say or write down, and what historians are willing to research.

Women’s lives and resistance at Treblinka

In work for my 2026 book, “Survival at Treblinka,” I came upon Stein’s testimony and many other hints and fragments of women’s lives in that Nazi extermination camp. What I found for this project is important, but I also came to realize it was just one example of wider issues in Holocaust history.

A black and white photo shows a crowd of people, many of them women and children, gathering outside rickety wooden train cars.
Polish Jews were deported to Treblinka extermination camp from the ghetto in Siedlce in 1942, when Poland was under German occupation.
Wikimedia Commons

Treblinka, located along the rail line northeast of Warsaw, was actually the name of two different camps. The first, Treblinka I, was one of Nazi Germany’s forced labor camps. Treblinka II, about a mile away, was an extermination camp. It had no function other than mass killing by poison gas and, because of this, never held much more than about 1,000 Jewish prisoners at a time.

SS guards and their helpers forced these inmates to maintain the camp, process goods stolen from those killed, and to bury – and later burn – the bodies. Women prisoners, never more than about 40 in number, were employed as launderers, cleaners, kitchen staff and tailors.

On Aug. 2, 1943, prisoners carried out a long-planned uprising, burning much of the camp. The revolt allowed as many as 300 Jews to escape – at least temporarily – although many were soon found and killed. In “Survival at Treblinka,” I uncover how Jewish women were pivotal to resistance planning, working as couriers, informants and to steal and hide weapons. They also took part in their own everyday acts of resistance, right up to the moment of the revolt.

At every turn, Jewish women and men held in this camp took advantage of the guards’ beliefs about women. Simply put, the German SS did not fear Jewish women, so guards did not supervise them or scrutinize them as much as they did male prisoners. Women cleaned the SS barracks and used these jobs to keep track of the Germans’ comings and goings. They staffed the kitchens and, using the fact that they were not feared, hid stolen weapons there.

A black and white photograph shows a large smoke cloud rising over a field.
A clandestine photograph taken by Franciszek Ząbecki shows Treblinka II burning during the prisoner uprising on Aug. 2, 1943.
‘Treblinka II – Obóz zagłady’ via Wikimedia Commons

German guards created a camp brothel at Treblinka where certain guards and senior prisoners were allowed to assault Jewish women. Again, the Nazis did not fear or suspect those they compelled to endure that place. However, the women held there stole as many as eight rifles from guards to arm the revolt. That pivotal act of resistance and the entire existence of the brothel have not been discussed or remembered before my book.

Working in the 1970s, an earlier historian uncovered the same evidence of sexual exploitation and its outcomes at Treblinka, taken from trial investigation testimony evidence. He chose to cut that quote short and may not have had access to other testimony that proves the existence of a brothel.

As I show in “Survival at Treblinka,” not writing about the brothel also meant not speaking of how these women armed the uprising.

Silence and lost stories

The damaging silence of many male survivors on this topic is worsened by others’ decisions to deny or erase what happened, though that may be understandable. When that earlier historian wrote in the 1970s and ’80s, some of the women forced to endure that brothel were still living. Revealing what they had been through could have destroyed years of careful work to rebuild their lives and distance themselves from what was done to them in the wake of the Holocaust.

In one somewhat shocking example, a male survivor of Treblinka was asked during a 1996 interview by the USC Shoah Foundation whether he knew any women in the camp. That alone was a rare question in interviews between the 1970s and ’90s. The survivor’s answer, “There was no women,” was unequivocal – but not true.

Studying the prisoner revolt at Treblinka led Chad Gibbs to uncover more information about women’s experiences at the camp.

Maps show how male prisoners would have seen women in the camp several times a day, especially at mealtimes. If we plot the paths male workers would take to and from their jobs and account for their likely interactions with women in the kitchens, it is clear that all men had to know women were present at Treblinka.

Left to wonder why witnesses and writers tended to leave out these women and their stories, we must consider whether it was, at times, out of a need to preserve their own sense of masculinity – an unwillingness to discuss what they saw these women endure, which male prisoners could not stop. Of course, some survivors’ sense of culpability might run deeper if they participated in the abuse themselves.

Fearful and self-preserving silence, nervous and embarrassed avoidance, and even willful erasure kept stories like these in the dark. What we know of history is, again, a matter of what scholars and witnesses are ready to discuss, and what sources are prepared to write down, record or say aloud.

More than 80 years after the fact, these stories are coming to light just as many survivors are dying. That, I believe, is not entirely coincidental. As survivors leave us, the stories we tell and the questions we are comfortable asking of sources change. Historians’ own diversity today is also helping to bring attention to the lives of women, people with disabilities, the elderly, queer people and still other voices long obscured.

Distance from the event is sometimes what finally allows us the space to open new doors and hear new voices. That will certainly mean a reassessment and a broadening of Holocaust histories as time goes on. It is a process long overdue, for too much is lost when we look away.

The Conversation

Chad S.A. Gibbs does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. 80 years later, scholarship is breaking silence on women’s suffering and strength at Treblinka – including their role in its uprising – https://theconversation.com/80-years-later-scholarship-is-breaking-silence-on-womens-suffering-and-strength-at-treblinka-including-their-role-in-its-uprising-276851

El ‘déjà vu’ electoral peruano: 35 candidatos, volatilidad y el eterno voto del mal menor

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Carmen Beatriz Fernández, Profesora de Comunicación Política en la UNAV, el IESA y Pforzheim, Universidad de Navarra

Hay algo borgiano en las elecciones peruanas de 2026, que se celebran el próximo domingo. No tanto por su complejidad, sino por esa inquietante sensación de repetición que desdibuja la frontera entre pasado y presente.

Como si el país hubiera entrado en un juego de espejos donde cada reflejo devuelve una imagen conocida, apenas alterada. Y entonces la paráfrasis a Jorge Luis Borges cobra un sentido político: “Los espejos y las elecciones son abominables porque multiplican el número de los candidatos”.

Hace cinco años analizábamos aquí la contienda, y hay mucho que se repite. Ni siquiera los nombres cambian. En medio de la natural incertidumbre ante las elecciones, hay consenso en las encuestas sobre que Keiko Fujimori, líder del partido Fuerza Popular e hija mayor de Alberto Fujimori, vuelve a encabezar las preferencias electorales.

Con un 15 % en las encuestas, casi duplica a sus competidores más cercanos. En cualquier otro contexto quince puntos de intención de voto sería una cifra modesta. No en Perú, donde las preferencias del elector se reparten en esta primera vuelta entre 35 candidatos presidenciales. En el Perú electoral, cualquier cosa puede pasar.

La interpretación de las elecciones presidenciales de 2026, basada en estudios de Datum, Instituto de Estudios Peruanos (IEP), CPI Research e Ipsos, confirma un escenario que combina patrones conocidos con nuevas dinámicas. Hay consensos claros, pero enorme volatilidad.

El trío que va en cabeza

Existe coincidencia en el liderazgo de Keiko Fujimori. Todas las encuestadoras la ubican en el primer lugar. También hay acuerdo en que el pelotón de avanzada lo completan el empresario Rafael López Aliaga (Renovación Popular) y el humorista Carlos Álvarez (País para Todos), configurando un trío que pareciera concentrar las mayores probabilidades de disputar la segunda vuelta. Aquí el condicional “pareciera” es importante, porque entre ellos y otros cinco o seis candidatos las diferencias apenas rozan el error muestral.

Por ello, dentro de ese aparente consenso demoscópico emerge inestabilidad. López Aliaga muestra una tendencia a la baja, y figuras consideradas “sorpresa” comienzan a ganar tracción. Entre ellas destacan el ex-alcalde de Lima Ricardo Belmont, el exministro Jorge Nieto y, más a la izquierda, Roberto Sánchez, cuyo crecimiento reciente tras uno de los debates confirma que el electorado peruano sigue siendo altamente volátil y permeable a cambios de último momento. De pasar a segunda vuelta este último, tendríamos casi el calco de 2021, pues se trata del candidato apoyado por el expresidente Pablo Castillo, quien sorprendiera en la segunda vuelta de 2021 al imponerse sobre Keiko.

Un dato explícito es el alto nivel de indecisión. Entre un 25 % y un 30 % de los votantes aún no ha definido su preferencia o contempla votar en blanco o nulo. Este fenómeno, ya observado en 2021, refuerza la idea de que la elección puede decidirse en la recta final, amplificando el impacto de eventos coyunturales, debates o campañas digitales.

Una novedad relevante respecto a procesos anteriores es el peso creciente de las redes sociales como principal fuente de información política. Cerca del 45 % del electorado se informa a través de plataformas como Facebook y TikTok (según la empresa demoscópica Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, IEP), muy por encima de los medios tradicionales. Esto no solo altera la dinámica de campaña, sino que también introduce nuevas formas de volatilidad, donde la visibilidad y la viralidad pueden traducirse rápidamente en intención de voto en la última semana.

Una conclusión central es que el sistema político peruano opera bajo una lógica de fragmentación extrema, con partidos políticos muy efímeros, y donde pequeñas variaciones pueden alterar significativamente el resultado final. Es aquí donde el espejo del 2021 se vuelve más nítido.

Como entonces, el problema no es solo quién lidera, sino con cuánto respaldo real lo hace. En 2021, siete de cada diez peruanos no votaron por ninguno de los candidatos que pasaron a segunda vuelta. Había 18 candidatos entonces. Hoy, con 35, todo indica que podríamos estar frente a una situación similar, o aún más fragmentada: candidatos que avanzan no por mayorías sólidas, sino por la dispersión del voto.

Esto conduce inevitablemente al mismo desenlace: la elección del “mal menor”. Y es así precisamente como se autodenominó un interesante test que busca fomentar un voto programático, y ofrece contrastar las posturas del votante que contesta dicho test con las propuestas que han realizado los distintos candidatos.

Debates televisivos organizados por sorteo

Pero no es la falta de voto ideológico o programático la raíz del problema. Perú tiene una valiosa cultura del debate político, que podría poner el acento en las ofertas programáticas. Sin embargo, no ha sido así, pues un debate presidencial entre 35 candidatos entraña obvias dificultades logísticas. En lugar de instalar ideas y posicionar temas, apenas dejaron en la agenda una que otra anécdota.

Los debates se organizaron por sorteo y había poco tiempo para exponer las propuestas, amén de una disminuida capacidad de atención del electorado. Más que debatir ideas, el espacio fue usado apelando a los ataques fáciles. Como afirma el profesor de la Universidad de Lima Mathias Mackelman “cuando el ataque se dirige a rasgos físicos, etnia o procedencia, se cruza la frontera hacia lo tóxico”.

Los debates resaltaron un elemento adicional: la incapacidad del ecosistema informativo para ordenar la competencia. Así como no hay encuestas que logren anticipar con claridad los escenarios, ni los debates ni los medios pueden cubrir de manera equilibrada a todos los actores, y el votante carece de herramientas para evaluar propuestas con mínima profundidad.

La sobreoferta política desborda las capacidades de intermediación. Al final, en la serenidad del momento culminante de la urna del próximo domingo 12 de abril, el elector se enfrentará con un complejo “sabanón” electoral.

La sobreoferta política no solo se expresa en números, sino también en lenguaje. Los nuevos partidos ya no se nombran desde la ideología, sino desde la evocación emocional, casi intimista: Amanecer de nuevo, Gotas de lluvia, La magia del encuentro, El aroma de la confianza, El tejido de la vida, Coleccionistas de objetos, El mapa de los sueños, Felices por siempre… Más que organizaciones políticas, parecen manuales de autoayuda. Y, sin embargo, compiten por gobernar un país.

En ese contexto, lo que diferencia a los actores en el ruedo es su capacidad de sobresalir. La calidad de un programa de gobierno o la viabilidad técnica de las propuestas pasan a un segundo plano. Los incentivos están en otra parte: en la visibilidad. Así, los candidatos más gritones, los más conflictivos, los más escandalosos son quienes logran captar atención.

La lógica mediática, cada vez más entrelazada con la dinámica de plataformas digitales, privilegia el conflicto, la personalización y la simplificación. Y lo hace en perfecta sintonía con los incentivos del sistema electoral peruano.

En situaciones de alta fragmentación y baja legitimidad, el voto se transforma en un acto defensivo. El voto “contra” tiende a imponerse sobre el voto “a favor”. No se elige tanto un proyecto como que se bloquea lo que suena a amenaza. En 2021 fueron el antifujimorismo y el anticomunismo; en 2026, aunque los matices cambien, la lógica parece permanecer.

El espejo de Borges y la repetición

Paradójicamente, en un país donde la mayoría del electorado se ubica en el centro ideológico, las elecciones terminan resolviéndose en extremos narrativos donde la polarización no refleja tanto a la sociedad como a la oferta política. Como en el espejo de Borges, la reproducción no implica diversidad sino repetición.

El resultado es un sistema que produce gobiernos débiles, con mandatos precarios y alta conflictividad institucional. Un presidente elegido como “mal menor” carece de legitimidad y enfrenta desde el inicio un entorno adverso: un Congreso hiperfragmentado, una ciudadanía desconfiada y una oposición fácilmente dispuesta a coaliciones en su contra.

Perú 2026 representa la continuidad de un patrón. El país vuelve a enfrentarse a sus propias heridas: Lima contra regiones, élites contra periferias, y ahora, quizás, lo analógico contra lo digital. Divisiones antiguas que se reactivan en cada elección. La gran incógnita no es tanto quién pasará a segunda vuelta; más bien es si el sistema político será capaz, en algún momento, de ofrecer incentivos que generen algo más que una elección entre lo menos malo.

Muchas opciones que ofrecen lo mismo

La democracia peruana parece hallarse en un laberinto de espejos donde cada elección promete ser distinta, pero termina devolviendo la misma imagen. Si la sociedad quiere romper este ciclo de espejos electorales, es imprescindible repensar las reglas del juego que incentivan la confrontación sobre el consenso.

Mientras tanto, el 12 de abril se perfila como un nuevo capítulo de una historia que ya conocemos: un país que busca desesperadamente un rumbo en medio de un mar de opciones que, irónicamente, parecen ofrecer lo mismo.

The Conversation

Carmen Beatriz Fernández es consultora política en DatastrategIA

ref. El ‘déjà vu’ electoral peruano: 35 candidatos, volatilidad y el eterno voto del mal menor – https://theconversation.com/el-deja-vu-electoral-peruano-35-candidatos-volatilidad-y-el-eterno-voto-del-mal-menor-280202

Hace miles de años, un ‘Homo’ decidió alzar la vista y observar el cielo por primera vez

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Carlos Rafael Burguete Prieto, Investigador y Doctor en Arqueología, Universidad Complutense de Madrid

sripfoto/Shutterstock

Según escribo estas líneas, varios telescopios y sondas captan datos e imágenes del cuerpo celeste 3I/ATLAS. El tercer objeto interestelar conocido cruza rasante el sistema solar que habitamos. Sabremos algo sobre él –y algo más sobre el cosmos– cuando haya desaparecido en el inmenso (casi) vacío cósmico. También estamos siguiendo la aventura de los astronautas que más se han alejado nunca de la Tierra. Y esperamos ansiosos el eclipse total que se verá, en agosto, desde la península ibérica.

Una vez que todos estos acontecimientos pasen, los humanos seguiremos detectando y estudiando exoplanetas, estrellas, púlsares, cuásares, galaxias, cúmulos y supercúmulos galácticos, ondas gravitacionales, etc. Barruntaremos también modelos cosmológicos para describir y explicar el origen y el destino de este universo, y continuaremos ideando métodos de propulsión para salir del ámbito del Sol y convertirnos en una forma de vida interestelar.

Quién alzó la vista

Es imposible responder con precisión quién miró al cielo por primera vez. Podemos aventurar que hubo un lejano antepasado que observó el firmamento y estableció relaciones entre lo que vio y los fenómenos naturales de los que dependía estrechamente su supervivencia.

Una de las propuestas sobre evidencia arqueológica más remota en el tiempo relacionada con la observación del cielo es la realizada por la investigadora francesa Chantal Jègues-Wolkiewiez. En 2020, sugirió que la galería de las imágenes figurativas en la pared principal de la cueva de Lascaux representaba un mapa de las estrellas de las constelaciones principales tal y como aparecieron en el Paleolítico.

Sin embargo, es posible que los orígenes de esta vinculación de nuestros ancestros con los astros sean más antiguos. Con apoyo en la evidencia acumulada, parece razonable sugerir que las capacidades cognitivas para ello estaban instaladas mucho antes. Y que dicha adquisición no fue algo acaecido de la noche a la mañana, sino el resultado de un proceso gradual y complejo que involucró a miembros arcaicos de nuestra estirpe y, probablemente, a representantes de otras especies, subespecies o linajes.

Contamos con pruebas que aluden a esas capacidades cognitivas remotas. En el contexto de las prácticas funerarias y de la posible creencia en una vida tras la muerte, existen varios enterramientos con ofrendas en la zona de la actual Israel datados en hace más de 120 000 años. Además, hay dos grandes círculos con una antigüedad estimada de 176 000 años y creados con estalactitas y estalagmitas en una zona casi inaccesible de una cueva francesa que sugieren alguna actividad ritual entre neandertales.

En referencia a lo que entendemos por arte –posiblemente también obra de nuestros hermanos evolutivos– hay tres pinturas en cuevas españolas datadas al menos 66 000 años antes de nuestra era. Además, se han hallado ornamentos que atestiguan un simbolismo relacionado con la identidad personal, social o grupal, en forma de uñas de rapaces empleadas como collares o colgantes, y pigmentos para, quizás, decorar la piel, el cabello o los ropajes.

En definitiva, es posible determinar la existencia de un pensamiento abstracto. Éste avala a nuestros lejanos ancestros directos, así como a otras especies del género Homo, para observar el cielo con curiosidad y establecer conexiones con lo tangible y vital.

¿Por qué?

La respuesta a las razones que les llevaron a mirar el cielo es polifacética. Sin embargo, probablemente lo que hoy nos impulsa a explorar el resto del cosmos no difiere mucho de aquello que les empujó a ellos a observar el cielo y los objetos cuya luz, propia o reflejada, los hace visibles en la negrura de la noche.

Nuestras mentes son, entre otras mil cosas, máquinas de detección de patrones. Y cuesta imaginar un patrón natural más omnipresente y sempiterno –más obvio y a la vez misterioso– que el ciclo de los días y las noches. La presencia de tres conceptos en la respuesta a ese “por qué” se antoja inevitable: curiosidad, pulsión exploradora e instinto de supervivencia. Rasgos atemporales y universales de la mente de los peculiares primates que habitamos un diminuto y anodino punto azul pálido.

Objetos de hueso y piedra con incisiones que siguen patrones (paralelismo, homogeneidad y equidistancia) creados, probablemente, por especies distintas a _Homo sapiens_ en Europa. Podrían representar un sistema numérico básico relacionado con la observaci
Objetos de hueso y piedra con incisiones que siguen patrones (paralelismo, homogeneidad y equidistancia) creados, probablemente, por especies distintas a Homo sapiens en Europa. Podrían representar un sistema numérico básico relacionado con la observación de los objetos celestes. En concreto, la figura A pertenece a Grotte du loup (Arcy-sur Cure, Francia); la B, a La Ferrassie (Francia); la C, a Quneitra (Israel); y la D, a Bilzingsleben (Alemania).
Don Hitchcock en Donsmaps.com y The Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research

¿Para qué?

Como en cualquier otra faceta del comportamiento que estudiemos, querer satisfacer las necesidades básicas es inevitable. Descubierto el vínculo entre los ciclos temporales, regidos por el movimiento de los astros, y la conducta de los herbívoros de los que dependía la supervivencia, resulta evidente una finalidad pragmática en la observación de, por ejemplo, las fases lunares.

Los nacimientos y migraciones de las especies animales que supusieron un recurso vital estuvieron, están y estarán fuertemente vinculados a la sucesión cíclica de las estaciones. Esta es predecible, a su vez, por el registro del tiempo a través del conteo y notación de días y noches o de los ciclos de la Luna. Así, aquellos cazadores-recolectores con mentes capaces de vincular los ritmos celestes y las conductas fenológicas de los animales y plantas debieron descubrir la conveniencia de pautar el paso del tiempo según la periodicidad de los movimientos aparentes de los astros.

Placa de hueso de unos 30 000 años de antigüedad, procedente del Abri Blanchard (Dordoña, Francia), que se cree que representa las posiciones de la luna creciente y menguante en forma de serpiente.
Emilia Pasztor/Türr István Museum

Esta línea de argumentación podría, por otro lado, arrojar luz a la hora de interpretar parte del enigmático “arte paleolítico”, aquel que mezcla representaciones figurativas de los animales cazados con notaciones numéricas, tal y como se sugirió hace unos años.

Al contrario que nosotros hoy día, cegados por el absurdo exceso de iluminación artificial, nuestros ancestros, pese a sobrellevar existencias durísimas marcadas por el objetivo omnipresente de sobrevivir, tuvieron el privilegio de contemplar el firmamento en toda su magnificencia.

Es difícil escapar a la conclusión de que esos cielos se instalarían en sus mentes como mapas en los que la Luna y las estrellas hiciesen de balizas para la supervivencia. Tal vez, además, funcionaron como una primordial fuente de inspiración para el desarrollo de creencias y mitos que favorecían el desarrollo de la creatividad, el simbolismo, el lenguaje, el comportamiento funerario o eso que llamamos “arte”.

La arqueología paleolítica nos brinda preciosos indicios de que hubo mentes inquietas desde la noche de los tiempos que dejaron delicados testimonios de su curiosidad y de su necesidad de sobrevivir.

The Conversation

Carlos Rafael Burguete Prieto no recibe salario, ni ejerce labores de consultoría, ni posee acciones, ni recibe financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y ha declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado.

ref. Hace miles de años, un ‘Homo’ decidió alzar la vista y observar el cielo por primera vez – https://theconversation.com/hace-miles-de-anos-un-homo-decidio-alzar-la-vista-y-observar-el-cielo-por-primera-vez-269545

Los bancos están preparados para las crisis, pero si todos reaccionan igual la historia puede acabar mal

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Bàrbara Llacay Pintat, Profesora agregada, Universitat de Barcelona

Andrii Yalanskyi/Shutterstock

Cuando se inauguró el Puente del Milenio de Londres, en el año 2000, el acontecimiento terminó de una forma totalmente inesperada. Al cruzarlo, los peatones hicieron que el puente empezara a vibrar.

Para no perder el equilibrio, cada persona ajustó su paso de manera instintiva. Pero al hacerlo, todos acabaron moviéndose al mismo ritmo. Esta sincronización amplificó el balanceo y el puente tuvo que cerrarse tan solo dos días después.

Cada peatón actuaba de forma sensata: reaccionaba a la vibración bajo sus pies para no caerse. Pero la suma de esos pequeños movimientos creó un escenario peligroso.
Es lo que los filósofos llaman falacia de la composición. Lo que funciona a nivel individual puede resultar desastroso para el conjunto.

Esta misma situación puede darse en el sistema financiero. Entenderlo importa a cualquiera que tenga una hipoteca, un fondo de pensiones o ahorros en el banco. Porque cuando el sistema financiero se tambalea, las consecuencias llegan a todos.

Los Acuerdos de Basilea

Tras varias crisis bancarias a finales del siglo XX, los reguladores internacionales crearon los Acuerdos de Basilea con el objetivo de fortalecer la estabilidad del sistema bancario mundial. La idea básica es sencilla: los bancos deben guardar reservas de capital según el riesgo que asumen. Cuanto mayor sea el riesgo, más capital deben tener en reserva para absorber posibles pérdidas.

Para medir el riesgo de sus inversiones, los bancos han utilizado durante años el valor en riesgo, conocido como VaR. El VaR calcula la pérdida máxima esperable en un día normal, con un cierto nivel de confianza. Por ejemplo: si el VaR de un banco es de 10 millones de euros al 99 %, solo hay un 1 % de probabilidad de perder más.

El último Acuerdo de Basilea para riesgo de mercado (FRTB) introduce una nueva medida: el Expected Shortfall (ES). Esta herramienta va un paso más allá del VaR y estima cuánto se puede perder en caso de que las cosas se pongan realmente feas y se sufra una pérdida superior al umbral del VaR.

Los reguladores prefieren esta medida porque captura mejor los eventos extremos. Son precisamente esos acontecimientos los que pueden poner en jaque al sistema financiero. Por eso, Basilea ha sustituido el VaR por el Expected Shortfall como referencia.

El círculo vicioso: cuando todos venden al mismo tiempo

El VaR y el ES no solo sirven para calcular las reservas de capital. Los bancos también las usan para controlar de manera interna el riesgo de sus inversiones. Cuando detectan un riesgo excesivo, reducen posiciones para limitar pérdidas. Un comportamiento totalmente prudente desde el punto de vista individual.

El problema aparece cuando todos los bancos usan modelos similares de gestión de riesgo y tienen inversiones parecidas. Imaginemos que la volatilidad del mercado sube por un suceso inesperado. Los modelos de riesgo dan la alerta y muchos bancos se ven obligados a vender activos a la vez. Pero esas ventas simultáneas hunden los precios y disparan aún más la volatilidad. Lo que empezó como una pequeña perturbación se convierte en una bola de nieve.

¿Cuál es el resultado? Más ventas forzadas, más caídas y más inestabilidad. Se genera así un círculo vicioso: los modelos sincronizan a las entidades y las ventas forzadas se retroalimentan.

Igual que los peatones del Puente del Milenio, cada entidad actúa de manera sensata. Pero el efecto colectivo es el opuesto al deseado: amplifica la inestabilidad en lugar de contenerla.

Evidencia académica y precedentes históricos

Académicos y reguladores han estudiado estas dinámicas con modelos analíticos y de simulación. Sus resultados confirman la relación entre el uso generalizado de estos modelos y la aparición de episodios de inestabilidad.

Y no se trata solo de teoría. En el verano de 1998, Rusia dejó de pagar su deuda. Muchos inversores tenían posiciones similares y se vieron obligados a vender al mismo tiempo. La cascada de ventas drenó la liquidez del mercado, amplió las pérdidas y llevó al hedge fund Long-Term Capital Management (LTCM) al borde del colapso. La situación fue tan grave que la Reserva Federal de Estados Unidos tuvo que coordinar un rescate de emergencia.

El Banco de Pagos Internacionales identificó el uso masivo de modelos VaR como un factor clave en la propagación de aquella crisis. Algo parecido se observó durante la crisis de 2007-2008: el VaR contribuyó a sincronizar la respuesta de los bancos, amplificando el shock inicial de las hipotecas subprime hasta convertirlo en una crisis sistémica global.

Moraleja: La gestión del riesgo requiere una visión de conjunto

La conclusión no es que los bancos dejen de usar modelos de gestión de riesgo. Al contrario, es imprescindible que las entidades financieras sean disciplinadas en cuanto al riesgo que asumen. Pero estas herramientas deben complementarse con una visión global.

Un buen ejemplo son las pruebas de estrés. Son ejercicios que simulan escenarios de crisis para ver si un banco puede aguantarlos. Pero hoy en día estos test evalúan a cada banco por separado. No tienen en cuenta que los demás bancos también reaccionarán. Y esa reacción colectiva puede empeorar la situación.

Los reguladores también deberían considerar el efecto sincronizador de sus propias normas. Cuando todos los bancos siguen las mismas reglas, tienden a actuar igual. Si cada banco usara un modelo de riesgo distinto, el sistema probablemente sería más robusto. La diversidad reduciría la probabilidad de que todos vendieran a la vez.

En última instancia, lo que protege a cada banco por separado no necesariamente protege al sistema en su conjunto. Como los peatones del Puente del Milenio, el camino hacia la estabilidad colectiva puede requerir que no todos marchen al mismo paso.

The Conversation

Bàrbara Llacay Pintat no recibe salario, ni ejerce labores de consultoría, ni posee acciones, ni recibe financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y ha declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado.

ref. Los bancos están preparados para las crisis, pero si todos reaccionan igual la historia puede acabar mal – https://theconversation.com/los-bancos-estan-preparados-para-las-crisis-pero-si-todos-reaccionan-igual-la-historia-puede-acabar-mal-277775

¿Y después de los 16 años, qué? Redes sociales, comparación y salud mental

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Ruth Castillo Gualda, Doctora en Psicología, Profesora Titular de la Universidad Camilo José Cela. Consultora Senior del Yale Center for Emotional Intelligence, Universidad Camilo José Cela

sebra/Shutterstock

Durante años, el debate sobre redes sociales y salud mental se ha resumido a una idea: cuantas más horas, peor. Tradicionalmente las iniciativas se han centrado en activar límites de uso de ciertas plataformas, los sistemas de control de notificaciones, las herramientas de bienestar digital, las iniciativas “detox” digital o, recientemente, en limitar la edad a los 16 años, como si la “madurez digital” apareciera de golpe. Sin embargo, la realidad psicológica parece bastante más compleja.

Imaginemos a Marina. Tiene 17 años y abre su usuario en Instagram con una idea muy simple: “Voy a distraerme un rato, que estoy aburrida”. Empieza a deslizar el dedo. Aparece la influencer que sigue siempre, con la piel perfecta, el cuerpo perfecto, la familia perfecta. Sin darse cuenta, algo se activa dentro de ella. “¿Por qué mi vida no es así?”, se pregunta.

Sigue bajando. Ve a sus compañeros de clase en una cena a la que ella no fue. Entonces aparece otra sensación: “Ellos pasándoselo bien y yo aquí aburrida”, se anticipa. Y luego duda: “¿Me llamarán la próxima vez que salgan?”.

Un poco más abajo, su prima comparte fotos de un viaje espectacular, pero ella en su habitación no sabe cuándo podrá hacer un viaje así. Y lo que iba a ser una distracción empieza a convertirse en fuente de inquietud, en sensación de quedarse atrás. Al rato, piensa voy a subir una foto, a ver si esto me anima, abre la cámara, se pone un filtro y piensa, casi sin palabras: “Mejor lo uso porque no me gusta nada lo que veo”.

Entre publicación y publicación, también busca algo más difícil de nombrar: aprobación para calmar inseguridades, referentes con los que identificarse, etiquetas que le digan quién es y dónde encaja. No ha discutido con nadie, no ha recibido una mala noticia, ni siquiera ha pasado tanto tiempo conectada. Pero al cerrar la aplicación se siente un poco peor. Menos satisfecha, más inquieta, quizá más irritable. Y eso que Marina se supone ya ha alcanzado la “madurez digital” para desenvolverse en las redes sociales.

Efectos psicológicos de las redes sociales

Esta escena, cada vez más habitual, ayuda a entender por qué el debate sobre el uso de las redes sociales y la salud mental no puede reducirse al número de horas frente a una pantalla. Y tampoco limitarse a una cuestión de edad, exclusivamente. A veces, lo que más pesa no es cuánto tiempo pasamos conectados, sino qué procesos psicológicos se activan cuando lo hacemos.

No solo vemos contenidos, sino que a menudo tendemos a usarlos como espejo: comparamos nuestro cuerpo, éxito, relaciones, trabajo, ocio o situaciones con versiones idealizadas de otras personas. Ante la frustración, el desánimo o la preocupación que esto nos provoca, no tenemos habilidades para manejarlo. Y acabamos dándole vueltas una y otra vez a lo mismo, exageramos mentalmente lo negativo o nos quedamos atrapados en pensamientos que solo aumentan el malestar.

No solo importa el tiempo en redes sociales, sino sobre todo cómo interpretamos y regulamos lo que sentimos al usarlas.




Leer más:
Menores e internet: cómo nuestra nueva herramienta evalúa la “madurez digital” de los niños


Hiperconectados pero vulnerables

Ese es justamente el mecanismo explicativo que hemos demostrado en nuestra investigación: el vínculo entre el uso de redes sociales y malestar psicológico parece explicarse mejor cuando atendemos a mecanismos como la comparación social y a la manera en que manejamos las emociones que sentimos.

La muestra de nuestro estudio es de 1 707 personas de entre 16 y 75 años, con una edad media de 44,5 años y una distribución equilibrada por género, de todas las comunidades autónomas en España con una amplia diversidad de perfiles educativos y laborales: el 44,1 % tenía estudios universitarios, el 42,9 % estudios secundarios y el 67,6 % estaba trabajando.




Leer más:
El ‘body shaming’ se contagia: así se aprende a ridiculizar el cuerpo de otros en redes sociales


La generación Z, entre 16 y 30 años, es, con diferencia, el grupo más vulnerable. Obtiene las puntuaciones más altas en tiempo de uso, pasan más de 4 horas al día conectados, se comparan más con los demás y cuentan con menos habilidades de regulación emocional.

Además, obtienen puntuaciones más elevadas en síntomas de ansiedad, depresión e ira o agresividad desplazada, lo que confirma que la población joven cuenta con peor salud mental, en comparación con los mayores de 56 años.

También se observaron diferencias de género. Las mujeres pasan más tiempo conectadas, se comparan más y tienen menos herramientas para regular el impacto de esta comparación en su estado emocional.

Más allá de la mayoría de edad digital

El debate público suele centrarse en la edad ¿Cuándo puede un adolescente abrir una cuenta? ¿A partir de qué momento debería tener móvil propio? ¿Cuánto tiempo conviene que pase en redes? Pero nuestros datos apuntan a que la pregunta decisiva no es solo cuándo entra en ese entorno, sino con qué recursos psicológicos cuenta.

Nuestro estudio sugiere que el tiempo de uso, por sí solo, tiene peso, sí. Pero es especialmente dañino cuando la experiencia digital activa un circuito psicológico concreto: compararse más con los demás y manejar peor lo que se siente. Contar con baja regulación emocional fue, de hecho, el predictor más intenso de los síntomas de malestar psicológico.




Leer más:
Los adolescentes se sienten cada vez más solos: ¿lo están?


Visto así, quizá la conversación social debería ir más allá de la prohibición o del simple control horario. La cuestión no es solo retrasar la entrada a las redes, sino preparar mejor a las nuevas generaciones para habitar ese espacio.

En un ecosistema diseñado para enganchar, captar atención y amplificar emociones, una forma de protección realista y ajustada podría ser trabajar la autoestima desde la infancia y durante la adolescencia, promover una construcción saludable de la identidad y ayudar a desarrollar recursos psicológicos de afrontamiento y regulación de emociones, como la toma de distancia, la forma de interpretar lo que se ve o el autodiálogo. Es decir, esa “conversación” que tenemos con nosotros mismos cuando sentimos emociones desagradables.

Personas como Marina pueden tener una edad cronológica “suficiente” para usar las redes sociales y, sin embargo, no alcanzar una adecuada experiencia digital. Manejar la exposición constante a vidas idealizadas, la necesidad de validación, la frustración, los celos, la sensación de quedarse fuera o la rabia no son logros automáticos que se alcanzan al cumplir 16 años.

The Conversation

Ruth Castillo Gualda no recibe salario, ni ejerce labores de consultoría, ni posee acciones, ni recibe financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y ha declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado.

ref. ¿Y después de los 16 años, qué? Redes sociales, comparación y salud mental – https://theconversation.com/y-despues-de-los-16-anos-que-redes-sociales-comparacion-y-salud-mental-277885