It’s easy to see discarded plastic as nothing more than waste. Much of it ends up in landfill, breaking down into microplastics that seep into water supplies and threaten the environment, and potentially human health. But what if the same plastic waste could instead be transformed into life-saving medicines?
In a recent study published in Nature Sustainability, scientists at the University of Edinburgh have shown that everyday plastic waste is not just an environmental burden but an untapped source of embedded carbon – the carbon atoms locked within plastic’s chemical structure. They demonstrated that engineered E coli bacteria can convert polyethylene terephthalate (PET) – commonly used in bottles and food packaging – into levodopa, a key treatment for Parkinson’s disease.
This approach offers a promising alternative to traditional levodopa production, which relies on multiple fossil fuel–based chemical steps and is energy intensive, costly, and carbon heavy.
Parkinson’s affects more than 10 million people worldwide and becomes more common as populations age. Levodopa remains the most effective treatment for managing the disease’s hallmark symptoms, including tremors and muscle stiffness. As demand for the drug rises, finding sustainable ways to produce levodopa has become increasingly urgent.
In previous studies, the same Edinburgh researchers showed that plastic can be turned into paracetamol, a common painkiller. In the lab, they converted up to 90% of the plastic from a one-litre PET bottle into paracetamol in just 24 hours – an amount roughly the same as nine 500mg paracetamol tablets.
Early work in this area began to show that plastics could serve as chemical feedstocks for medicine. In 2022, researchers at the University of Southern California demonstrated that polyethylene (PE) – a different plastic from PET, commonly used in plastic bags and films – could be broken down by engineered fungi into useful compounds, including building blocks for antibiotics, antifungals and cholesterol-lowering drugs.
Building on this, more recent studies have focused on higher-value drugs. For example, a collaborative study led by the University of St Andrews with partners in the Netherlands and Germany showed that PET plastic could be converted into starting materials for cancer therapies and drugs that stop uncontrolled bleeding.
These results show that it’s possible to turn everyday plastic waste into useful medicines. This approach could cut down on the need for fossil fuels and support a more sustainable, circular economy where waste is reused instead of thrown away.
The road ahead
Turning this lab breakthrough into industrial-scale production won’t happen overnight. Engineers must develop cost-effective manufacturing processes, and regulators will need to be satisfied that the products meet strict safety standards.
Collecting enough plastic waste is another challenge, since it has to compete with traditional fossil fuels. Success will require long-term investment and close teamwork between scientists, industry and policymakers.
So, while the idea is exciting, it’s still at an early stage. It offers a glimpse of what might be possible in the future, where biology and engineering help turn some types of plastic waste into medicines.
The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation – UK – By Caroline Millar, Visiting Scholar, Queen’s Business School (Organisation, Work and Leadership), Queen’s University Belfast
The core premise of feminism is this: women can do anything. And yes, these days in developed economies, women without children earn about the same as men. The problem is not the opportunities available to them. It’s the opportunities that disappear as women become mothers.
This disconnect between paid work and care work is evident. In my research on work and motherhood, I have often found that organisations give little thought to the tensions that arise between women’s work and care identities.
A 2025 overview of how care is understood in feminist economic debates recognises the fundamental value of unpaid and underpaid care. But it doesn’t discuss how to reconcile paid work and care.
The unpaid work women do in the home alongside their paid work leads to reduced participation in the workforce, income inequality between the genders, time-poverty, and increased stress for women.
The challenges and constraints that women encounter in the workplace have long been recognised. But caring is also often viewed in a negative way – something that interrupts and stymies their participation in paid work. Motherhood is frequently framed as something that curtails ambition and income.
In contrast, paid work is valued because it generates financial resources. These perspectives speak to the outdated concept of the “ideal worker”, and the capitalist priorities of productivity and efficiency that underpin this idea.
Across academic research, financial resources are often seen as a means to buy exemption from some aspects of motherhood. Other research concedes that caring for older relatives can be rewarding, but then cites all the problems that caregivers may experience.
In short, it is almost impossible to find caring for children framed in a positive way. One paper positions care work as “responsibilities” and “obligations” that fall on women. But this framing is directly at odds with how the women I have spoken to understood their role as mothers: they talked fondly of their children, attended their needs and enjoyed spending time with them.
Rediscovering the value of care
The problem for both feminism and capitalism is that mothers must routinely combine paid work and caring responsibilities in order to make a living. This reflects the tensions that the research identifies but does not resolve: women are navigating systems that position care as a disruption rather than an important and valued form of work and identity.
Older women often recount their career success through a lens of sacrifice, while many younger parents resist long-hours cultures, experimenting with ways to share work and care. What this suggests is that there is a need for employers to have a more nuanced appreciation of parenting identities.
However, work structures often still rely on outdated breadwinner/caregiver identities – dictating how parents juggle paid work and care, and limiting the space for more flexible hybrid roles.
A model where the mother becomes the breadwinner and the father the caregiver is not ideal either. It may appear progressive, but in practice care work continues to be pressed to the margins and the financial precarity it leads to is not acknowledged or fixed. It is simply transferred to the male caregiver.
Breadwinner/caregiver norms are just not suited to society and family dynamics any more. But they can be dismantled and replaced by hybrid roles that allow people to combine work and care identities.
Flexible working arrangements can help parents to do a good job at work and at home. Andrey_Popov/Shutterstock
While the tensions of work and motherhood have not disappeared, other groups have emerged and are developing momentum. For example, fathers who understand and value their parenting role are prompting a groundswell of change.
In the UK, campaigns such as Parenting Out Loud, as well as demands for extended, government-funded paternity leave (for example, six weeks of leave paid at 90% of income), seek to enable fathers to care and bond with their children without worrying about work pressures. These movements imagine a future where care is equally valued and recognised for its importance to society.
Governments, employers and trade unions have an opportunity to create work cultures that enable parents to do their jobs well at the same time as caring. Structures that value both work and care will allow everyone to contribute to the economy while actively participating in their caregiving roles.
Acknowledging an employee’s care identity needs to extend far beyond workplaces begrudgingly accommodating a mother working from home to care for a sick toddler. It involves enabling and trusting parents to respond to routine parenting challenges in an appropriate way – without penalty or judgment. For example, a dad being able to take emergency leave to respond to his child’s sickness, or a mum arriving late to work after supporting a teenager who is stressed by exams.
Funded, high-quality and reliable care infrastructure is essential, alongside flexible working. The persistent motherhood wage penalty is a good barometer to see how things are changing: interventions that normalise combining work and care will narrow this pay gap, and give a clear indication of what works.
Caroline Millar received PhD funding from Department for the Economy (NI).
Kimberly Milne was 28 when she climbed over the barrier of a motorway bridge and jumped to her death. That night, witnesses saw her cowering from her husband, Lee Milne, in a retail park in Dundee, as he trapped her against a wall. CCTV footage showed her trying to get away while he shouted, drove a car at her and pulled her back into his orbit.
In the year before her death, he had choked her, dragged her by the hair, hit her until she fell and lost consciousness, and apologised, promising he was “not that type of guy”. He went through her phone, controlled her movements and, according to messages shown in court, created a situation where leaving felt impossible: “How can I leave him if he’s saying he’s going to do himself in without me?”
In a first-of-its-kind case in Scotland, Lee Milne has now been held criminally responsible for his wife’s suicide. The 39-year-old was convicted of culpable homicide and sentenced to eight years in custody.
In Spain, Noelia Castillo, 25, underwent euthanasia after a long and highly contested legal battle. In early adulthood, she reported multiple incidents of sexual assault. Days after being gang-raped, she attempted suicide by jumping from a building. She survived, but with irreversible paraplegia, chronic physical pain, neurological damage and profound psychological suffering.
Her euthanasia was legally granted on the basis of that condition. But the question remains: if the injuries that made her life unbearable followed a suicide attempt triggered by sexual violence, can her death be understood without that violence?
Homicide has long been treated as the most extreme outcome of abuse. But recent evidence suggests that abuse-related suicide may be at least as common, if not more so. Yet it remains far less recognised in law, policy and public understanding.
In 2022, an England-wide study found that people who had ever experienced intimate partner violence were almost three times as likely to have attempted suicide in the previous year, even after adjusting for other adversities.
Data in England and Wales suggests that what might be termed “perpetrator-produced suicide” (where sustained abuse produces the conditions in which a person ends their own life) is not uncommon. The Domestic Homicide Project, a research project led by the National Police Chiefs’ Council, recorded 98 suspected suicides following domestic abuse between April 1 2023 and March 31 2024. This was more than the 80 intimate partner homicides recorded, overtaking them for the second year in a row.
This suggests that fatal outcomes linked to domestic abuse may be being categorised as individual acts, rather than perpetrator-produced harm. The result is underrecognition of abusers’ role in their victims’ suicide. There have only been five prosecutions of this kind in England and Wales, leading to just one confirmed conviction for manslaughter.
In Kimberly Milne’s case, the court found that sustained physical and psychological abuse was a significant contributing factor in her death. The judge concluded that Lee Milne’s actions drove his wife to a point of despair, from which she took her own life.
In Castillo’s case, the question of responsibility remains unresolved. The violence that preceded her suicide attempt and ultimately led to her death sits outside the frame of legal accountability. The law breaks these events apart: the assault is treated as a crime, the suicide attempt as her own act, and the later death as a medical decision, rather than recognising how violence can set the whole chain in motion.
‘Choice’ under coercion
To understand the link between suicide and domestic violence or coercive control, we must ask: what does it mean to “choose” to end one’s life, when that choice is made under coercion or threat?
My research explores weaponised attachment, where perpetrators of abuse deliberately use emotional bonds to control their victims. They form attachment through grooming, trauma-sharing and vulnerability, and then use that attachment to influence decisions about whether to stay, leave or seek help. Coercion often operates by shaping how decisions are made – narrowing the options a person can see and making the choice to leave feel impossible.
Abuse and coercion can change the options a victim thinks are available. hxdbzxy/Shutterstock
Research in behavioural economics and cognitive psychology shows that people make choices within the set of options they perceive as available, not the set that objectively exists. Under threat and loss, people seek more risk and are more likely to choose extreme options to escape unpleasant states.
When coercion shapes what a person sees as their obligations and options, a resulting decision cannot be treated as fully self-authored. It is made, but under conditions structured by another. In cases of perpetrator-produced suicide, the issue is not simply whether a victim “chose” to die, but whether that choice was made with the authority required for responsibility. The same mechanism operates in cases where victims are said to have “consented” to abuse.
Justice for victims
This conviction could change how criminal justice systems approach perpetrator-produced suicide. It could lead to more homicide-style investigations where suicide follows coercive control. In investigations, this would mean greater emphasis on patterns of abuse over time, rather than isolating the final event.
For this shift to be meaningful, changes are needed. First, there is a need for better recording of perpetrator-produced suicides, which are currently fragmented or likely misclassified as individual deaths. Second, what police consider as evidence must expand to include patterns of coercion, digital traces and how the relationship unfolded over time, rather than focusing only on what happened in the final moments.
Third, the law needs to be clearer about when sustained abuse leads to responsibility for a death, moving beyond vague labels like “vulnerability” and focusing on how a person’s options were restricted.
Finally, risk assessment practices should move away from predicting isolated incidents towards identifying coercive environments that generate escalating harm. Without these changes, this landmark ruling risks remaining an exceptional case, rather than a foundation for future accountability.
If you’re struggling with suicidal thoughts, the following services can provide you with support: In the UK and Ireland – call Samaritans UK at 116 123. In the US – call the National Suicide Prevention Lifeline at 1-800-273-TALK (8255) or IMAlive at 1-800-784-2433. In Australia – call Lifeline Australia at 13 11 14. In other countries – visit IASP or Suicide.org to find a helpline in your country.
Mags Lesiak does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Italian referee Marco Guida signals that he is taking account of time-wasting during a Serie A football match.Marco Iacobucci Epp/Shutterstock
Football fans, broadcasters and even head coaches have been complaining this season about excessive time-wasting spoiling the flow of the men’s game.
In the Premier League, the proportion of a match where the ball is in play is at a near-record low. Football’s world governing body Fifa has a target of 60 minutes of ball-in-play per game. Yet two Premier League matches this season had only just above 45 minutes of action – less than half the total match time.
There are numerous factors explaining this decrease. One is the length of time players are taking over each corner, throw-in and free-kick. Repeated injury stoppages (including some that are allegedly faked by players seeking to delay a game) are also blamed – along with lengthy decision-making by each game’s video assistant referee (VAR).
Video reviews have increased the number and length of stoppages, particularly for penalties, red cards and goals. There is now a benefit to staying down after contact in the penalty area while officials check for possible infringements. What might once have been a marginal appeal can trigger a lengthy interruption that, according to our research, is not always fully accounted for in the time added by the referee at the end of each half.
With concerns mounting about how time-wasting could turn off viewers of the men’s World Cup in North America this summer, new rules are being introduced allowing referees to start five-second countdowns at throw-ins and goal-kicks. Teams may also face sanction if their substituted players take longer than ten seconds to leave the field of play.
So, will this make a difference to the amount of action fans see this summer?
Our research, published in the Journal of Sports Economics, suggests no amount of rule-tightening will solve football’s issue with time-wasters until referees are properly supported to withstand the psychological pressure placed on them by players, team officials and fans during each game.
We found that the time taken up by stoppages is often added inaccurately, depending on unconscious biases of referees who alone decide how much time is added. This can especially benefit home teams with stronger support in the stadium.
Football has always been played in continuous rather than active time. Unlike sports where the clock stops, football absorbs interruptions rather than isolating them. This design goes back to the sport’s early history.
When the match length was standardised in the 19th century, a simple running clock was practical. One interpretation is that 90 minutes became the standard because it reliably produced 60 minutes of ball-in-play action. By the 1890s, this length of match was ingrained in the official rules by the International Football Association Board (Ifab).
The concept of added time was formally adopted in 1891 and applied at the referee’s discretion. It was – and still is – supposed to correct the most obvious losses of time during the 45 minutes of each half.
But added time is not measured mechanically. It is estimated by humans who often apply rules of thumb under pressure from players, managers and spectators.
At the last World Cup in 2022, Fifa extended the amount of added time referees could add at the end of each half in an attempt to discourage players from time wasting. It came close to delivering Fifa’s 60-minute target for ball-in-play. But it came at the expense of games that seemed to go on forever.
Decisions were not the same
We analysed the 2022 World Cup and 2024 European Championship for differences in how referees added time on at the end of the first and second halves. According to Fifa and Ifab, added time should be applied consistently across both halves, since the rules governing stoppage time are identical.
In practice, these decisions were not the same. Referees added on substantially more time in the second half than the first – in part because of the rising stakes of each game as it nears a conclusion. These patterns were stronger at the World Cup, which probably related to Fifa’s edict to increase ball-in-play time.
In particular, we found that referees allowed substantially more stoppage time in tight second halves, while first halves in close (low-scoring) contests were sometimes cut short. This can advantage the trailing team in second halves, giving them a greater chance of getting back to parity since the rate of goal-scoring generally increases as football matches near their conclusion.
Added time is often framed as a technical adjustment. But it is truly where football’s human element is exposed.
Should football introduce a stop-clock?
Does this mean football should follow the path of sports like basketball, American football and rugby and adopt a stop-clock, ending each half when the official time expires (with stopped-clock pauses along the way)? The appeal might seem obvious. But it would also change the nature of football.
We believe matches would grow even longer, interruptions would multiply and lengthen, and the continuous flow that gives the game its rhythm and tension would be under even greater threat.
The temptation to factor in television commercial windows might also grow. This summer’s World Cup will already include three-minute hydration breaks in the middle of every half to mitigate high temperatures in games.
Ultimately, added time is a reminder of what football is: a sport played in running time that cannot be perfectly measured. Referees will never be fully consistent, because the moments they arbitrate are charged with uncertainty – despite VAR’s best (and worst) efforts.
But the game’s authorities are still right to be addressing the issue of time wasting ahead of this summer’s World Cup. One of football’s great attractions is the pace at which it is played. Lose this and the game becomes a lot less beautiful.
Carl Singleton receives funding from the Economic and Social Research Council (UKRI). He is affiliated with the Luxembourg Institute of Socio-Economic Research through the IZA@LISER network.
David Butler and Robert Butler do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Source: The Conversation – in French – By Didier Courbet, Professeur et Chercheur en Sciences de la Communication & Psychologie de la santé, Aix-Marseille Université (AMU)
Mike Fincke, astronaute de la Nasa et ingénieur de vol de l’Expédition 73, à bord de l’International Space Station (ISS), la Station spatiale internationale, en août 2025.NASA, CC BY-NC-SA
L’aphasie, une subite perte de la parole, ne se retrouve sous le feu des projecteurs que lorsqu’elle touche des personnalités médiatiques. Pourtant, ce trouble, qui entraîne non seulement de grandes difficultés de communication, mais aussi une grande détresse psychique, affecte des centaines de milliers de personnes en France.
En janvier dernier a eu lieu la première « évacuation médicale » de l’histoire de la Nasa. Quatre astronautes de la Station spatiale internationale (ISS) ont été ramenés sur Terre en urgence. Ce n’est toutefois que le 27 mars que l’agence spatiale états-unienne a donné plus de détails sur l’incident à l’origine de ce rapatriement exceptionnel.
Le public a alors appris que, le 7 janvier dernier, un membre de l’équipage, l’astronaute Mike Fincke, a expérimenté un épisode d’aphasie. Cet ancien colonel de l’US Air Force âgé de 59 ans s’est subitement retrouvé incapable de parler, alors qu’il était en train de prendre son repas.
En France, on estime que plus de 300 000 personnes souffrent d’aphasie. Pourtant, cette affection reste peu connue du grand public. Rien d’étonnant à cela, puisque ce sujet fait rarement la une des médias, sauf lorsqu’une célébrité en est victime, comme ce fut le cas pour Jean-Paul Belmondo et Sharon Stone au début des années 2000, ou Bruce Willis en 2022. Voici ce qu’il faut savoir de ce trouble.
Quand le langage se perd
L’aphasie est une déficience acquise du langage. Elle résulte le plus souvent d’un accident vasculaire cérébral (AVC), mais peut également survenir à la suite d’un traumatisme crânien, d’une tumeur cérébrale, d’une infection ou d’une maladie neurodégénérative.
Ce trouble se manifeste par des difficultés d’expression ou de compréhension du langage oral ou écrit. Mike Fincke, l’astronaute de l’ISS, a rapidement retrouvé ses capacités à parler. Malheureusement, ce n’est pas le cas de la majeure partie des personnes aphasiques, lesquelles vivent en permanence avec cette affection.
L’aphasie est reconnue par l’Organisation mondiale de la santé (OMS) comme un « handicap de communication ». Elle entraîne en effet des limitations importantes en matière de communication, qui conduisent également à des restrictions durables de participation sociale, familiale, professionnelle et même citoyenne.
Des capacités cognitives préservées
Globalement, chez les personnes aphasiques, les pensées, les sentiments, « l’intelligence » et les capacités cognitives utilisées dans la vie quotidienne ne sont pas altérées. De nombreux travaux ont montré que les processus cognitifs fondamentaux peuvent demeurer préservés malgré des atteintes sévères du langage.
Les personnes aphasiques savent ce qu’elles veulent dire, formulent des intentions de communication claires et conservent leur capacité à comprendre le monde et à prendre des décisions. Elles sont capables d’évaluation, de jugement, de discernement, de décision et gardent de manière générale leurs aptitudes à effectuer des choix fondés sur des préférences, à planifier des actions, à élaborer des solutions pour des situations problématiques du quotidien.
Ces patients rencontrent cependant des difficultés parfois majeures pour exprimer leurs pensées et interagir avec autrui. Ce problème constitue une source de frustration et de souffrance intenses et persistantes non seulement pour elles, mais également pour leur entourage.
Un point important à garder à l’esprit est que les conséquences de l’aphasie vont au-delà de problèmes pratiques de communication. Les personnes qui en souffrent développent souvent des troubles psychologiques majeurs. Si l’on considère l’ensemble des maladies et des handicaps, l’aphasie est celle qui est liée aux souffrances psychologiques et sociales les plus fortes, davantage encore que les handicaps lourds, comme la tétraplégie, ou des maladies fortement angoissantes, comme le cancer.
En témoigne le taux important de suicides, de troubles dépressifs et anxieux ainsi que de stress délétère chez les personnes qui souffrent d’aphasie. En outre, leurs aidants, souvent démunis, se retrouvent eux-mêmes fréquemment en forte détresse psychologique.
Une détresse sévère et insuffisamment prise en charge
Dans les mois qui suivent un AVC, quasiment toutes les personnes aphasiques souffrent d’une détresse psychologique élevée. Celle-ci résulte d’un fort sentiment de solitude et d’une faible satisfaction sociale. Par ailleurs, les trois quarts d’entre elles présentent des symptômes de dépression.
Ce handicap de communication contraint de nombreux individus à développer des stratégies d’évitement : limiter les contacts téléphoniques, abandonner des loisirs impliquant des échanges verbaux ou des discussions avec les autres, comme des repas entre amis. La participation sociale diminue dans un grand nombre de cas. Les relations avec les amis se raréfient, limitant alors les contacts à la famille proche, à la condition que celle-ci ne les délaisse pas à son tour… L’individu est souvent isolé socialement, parfois marginalisé.
Il ressent dès lors une « solitude existentielle » liée à la difficulté à participer pleinement aux échanges de la vie quotidienne. L’identité individuelle et sociale, tout comme l’image de soi, s’altèrent également. Il est difficile pour la personne aphasique de parler d’elle, de ses idées, de se confier, de s’affirmer, de se défendre, c’est-à-dire de développer ces comportements essentiels à l’équilibre mental et au lien social.
La difficulté à parler peut en outre dégrader le sentiment d’autonomie, de compétence et l’estime de soi. Ce mouvement est alimenté par de fréquentes expériences sociales déclenchant des malentendus et des dévalorisations, possibles sources d’anxiété sociale. De plus, certains des rôles sociaux antérieurs à l’aphasie (professionnels, associatifs, etc.) sont souvent profondément modifiés ou abandonnés, ce qui prive la personne de fonctions socialement valorisées et de repères identitaires majeurs.
Des erreurs de jugement aux conséquences considérables
Largement méconnu du grand public et de certains professionnels de santé insuffisamment formés, ce handicap invisible est mal compris socialement, ce qui conduit fréquemment à des interprétations erronées.
Nombreux sont les expériences vécues et témoignages rapportés par les cadres de la Fédération nationale des aphasiques de France, révélant des situations aussi choquantes qu’intolérables au regard des droits humains. C’est, par exemple, le cas de cet homme aphasique qui s’est retrouvé placé en cellule de dégrisement par des représentants des forces de l’ordre qui pensaient, à tort, qu’il était ivre.
Aberrante aussi, la situation de cette femme aphasique qui, à la suite d’une expertise judiciaire, a été jugée comme n’étant plus en possession de ses capacités intellectuelles. Le psychologue, désigné « expert judiciaire », ne connaissait pas l’aphasie… Après s’être entretenu avec elle, il a estimé, de manière erronée, qu’il était impossible qu’elle ait pu prendre elle-même des décisions concernant ses achats et ses dépenses, ce qui a conduit à accuser son aidant familial d’avoir agi à sa place. Les proches de cette femme ainsi que les médecins qui la suivaient ont alors dû rapidement se mobiliser pour faire innocenter son aidant, injustement accusé.
Ces situations révèlent combien la confusion entre troubles du langage et altération des capacités intellectuelles peut conduire à des jugements erronés, avec des conséquences parfois graves, au point de dénier les droits humains fondamentaux. La méconnaissance de l’aphasie contribue non seulement à la mise à l’écart des personnes qui en sont victimes, mais aussi à leur « infantilisation », voire au développement d’attitudes agressives à leur égard.
Ce déficit de sensibilisation renforce leur stigmatisation sociale, leur isolement relationnel, et donc leur mal-être. Les problèmes psychologiques et sociaux liés à l’aphasie sont aujourd’hui largement documentés, et les recherches dépeignent un tableau particulièrement alarmant.
Quelles solutions ?
Malgré l’ampleur de ces difficultés et la souffrance ressentie, l’accès aux soins psychologiques demeure fortement restreint. Les psychothérapies classiquement pratiquées par les psychologues et les psychiatres reposent essentiellement sur le langage verbal, ce qui les rend peu accessibles aux personnes aphasiques. Leur souffrance est donc rarement prise en compte.
C’est d’autant plus problématique que les politiques publiques ignorent l’aphasie, en dépit de son coût économique considérable, estimé pour la France à plus d’un milliard d’euros annuels, en intégrant les dépenses de soins, les pertes de productivité et l’aide informelle apportée par les proches aidants.
Heureusement, des recherches scientifiques récentes montrent que des solutions existent pour venir en aide aux personnes aphasiques. Par exemple, il existe des psychothérapies non centrées sur le langage dont l’efficacité est scientifiquement documentée. Cependant, ces dernières ne sont pas connues en France, car les personnels soignants sont insuffisamment formés aux troubles du langage en général, et à ce handicap de la communication en particulier.
Dès lors, des personnes aphasiques et leurs aidants ont pris eux-mêmes les choses en main, via le tissu associatif, dans une logique « d’empowerment collectif ».
Ainsi, la Fédération nationale des aphasiques de France (FNAF), qui se mobilise depuis des années pour améliorer la reconnaissance, la visibilité et l’accompagnement des personnes aphasiques dans notre pays, s’apprête à lancer bénévolement un plan de grande ampleur pour contribuer à agir pour la santé mentale et le bien-être des personnes aphasiques, en proposant des formations gratuites aux psychiatres, aux psychologues et aux orthophonistes de l’Hexagone.
Au niveau international, l’Association internationale aphasie (AIA) cherche à mettre en place une journée internationale de l’aphasie. La FNAF a également demandé qu’une telle journée soit reconnue par l’État en France et, plus particulièrement, par le ministère de la santé, qui est chargé des personnes en situation de handicap.
Pour prendre en charge un problème d’aphasie, la Nasa n’a pas hésité à rapatrier ses astronautes depuis l’espace. Reste maintenant aux pouvoirs publics français à montrer qu’ils ont eux aussi « les pieds sur terre », en soutenant a minima les actions associatives visant à mieux faire connaître l’aphasie et à améliorer l’accompagnement des personnes qui en sont victimes.
Didier Courbet est membre du conseil d’administration et du conseil scientifique de la Fédération Nationale des
Aphasiques de France (FNAF).
¿Es usted de los que funcionan mejor “bajo presión”? En realidad, a todos nos pasa: una fecha de entrega ajustada, un contratiempo inesperado, una dificultad añadida nos hace ponernos las pilas y resolver una tarea más eficazmente que cuando tenemos todo el tiempo del mundo y todas las condiciones a nuestro favor. Otras veces, en cambio, el mero hecho de tener que responder a algo inmediata y rápidamente puede hacer que no seamos capaces de recordarlo: nos bloqueamos. ¿Por qué sucede esto?
Como explican Javier Andrés García Castro, José Manuel Fernández García y Luisa Daniela Viniegra, de la Universidad de Villanueva, la relación entre estrés y rendimiento cognitivo no está clara. Sabemos que cuando el estrés es intenso o prolongado, empeoran habilidades como la memoria de trabajo, la atención o la flexibilidad mental, al alterar el funcionamiento del córtex prefrontal. Y sin embargo, puntualmente puede ayudarnos a ser más resolutivos, a estar alerta y a tomar mejores decisiones en el momento.
Estos expertos nos cuentan que el estrés puede ser “bueno o malo”, pero no solo según la intensidad o duración de la situación que lo origina, sino según cada persona la percibe y la maneja. En su investigación han distinguido entre estrés “objetivo” y estrés “subjetivo” y han analizado su impacto en las funciones ejecutivas, esas que necesitamos para planificar, concentrarnos, controlar impulsos y adaptarnos a situaciones nuevas. Las conclusiones apuntan a que es el estrés subjetivo el que determina nuestra respuesta, no el tipo de situación o la cantidad de presión a la que se nos somete. ¿Cómo influye? Seguro que lo están imaginando: aquellas personas que viven el estrés de una manera más positiva y lo gestionan mejor son esas mismas que “funcionan mejor bajo presión”. Mucho mejor, además.
Ojo, esto no quiere decir que cualquier situación de estrés mejore el rendimiento de estos seres afortunados: ellos también están sujetos a la “ley de Yerkes-Dodson”, según la cual, si la activación es demasiado alta (estrés elevado) se producen bloqueo y ansiedad intensa y el rendimiento empeora; si es demasiado baja, provoca apatía y aburrimiento. Algo que las investigadoras de la universidad de Cádiz Magdalena Holgado Herrero, Dara Hernández Roque y María José Foncubierta Rodríguez han comprobado en el caso de los docentes y del estrés laboral: un poco de conflicto puede ser estimulante para algunos profesores y profesoras. Es la personalidad resistente, o resiliente, que a veces viene de serie, pero que se puede mejorar.
Son hallazgos que nos dan pistas para entender el rendimiento y el aprendizaje durante la adolescencia: la corteza prefrontal (sistema racional) está madurando, y el sistema límbico (sistema emocional) disparado, lo que explica que en esta etapa seamos más propensos a sentirnos desbordados. También nos ayuda a replantearnos si son los estudiantes con mejor rendimiento los más propensos a sentir estrés o si precisamente ese estrés es el que les sirve para tener mejor rendimiento.
Irene García Moya, Antonia María Jiménez Iglesias y Carmen Paniagua de la Universidad de Sevilla afirman que, como estudiantes, “nos irá mejor si entendemos que el estrés es una vivencia frecuente y no es algo necesariamente negativo”. Así proponen un cambio de planteamiento a aquellos alumnos que tienden a sufrirlo a menudo: pararnos a considerar si estamos interpretando la situación de manera excesivamente negativa (en el caso de un examen, pensando que seguro que suspendemos) y tratar de enfocarla con una luz más positiva (si estudio no tiene por qué irme mal; hacer el examen me ayudará a ver qué sé y qué no; incluso si no me va bien, podré recuperarlo más adelante).
Al final, el estrés es, como tantas otras experiencias, una mezcla entre una situación objetiva y cognitiva y una respuesta emocional y subjetiva. Y en la segunda parte, al menos, puede haber margen para mejorar, pensando no tanto en evitarlo como en aprender a afrontarlo. Aquí tienen esta selección de artículos para entenderlo mejor.
Imagen de una representación de _Casting Lear_.Barco Pirata
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Hace unos días volví a ver Casting Lear, la obra de Andrea Jiménez que reimagina El rey Lear de Shakespeare en un formato contemporáneo para hablar de la relación de la propia dramaturga con su padre. Cuando abandoné el teatro alguien mascullaba: “Autoficción, autoficción, ahora todo es autoficción”.
Jiménez hace algo muy interesante con esta pieza, especialmente para el tema que nos ocupa, y es que, basándose en sí misma y su progenitor, retiene el derecho a la privacidad de este. Todo lo que cuenta a la audiencia tiene que ver con su propia experiencia; los detalles de las palabras o reacciones de su particular Lear se mantienen en la intimidad del escenario. Andrea Jiménez elabora una autoficción protegiendo, en cierta manera, a la persona que le ha inspirado la historia
Eso no siempre sucede. De vidas ajenas, un libro precioso de Emmanuel Carrère, desgajaba en ciertos pasajes los problemas matrimoniales del autor con quien ahora es su exmujer. Ella sintió que la obra invadía su privacidad y pidió incluir una cláusula en su divorcio que la defendiese: Carrère no podía dar más detalles de su vida en sus novelas.
Ahora que se ha estrenado Amarga Navidad y que Pedro Almodóvar presenta en la gran pantalla el debate de si los creadores tienen derecho a parasitar la vida de otras personas para contar historias, Andrea Cantos Martínez explica si en España estamos jurídicamente protegidos ante esto. La respuesta no es rotunda pero sí se inclina hacia un lado concreto.
Y por eso tiene sentido volver a debatir, como hicimos hace un año a propósito del caso del libro El odio, si este cuidado hacia los otros, hacia quienes alimentan los relatos, debe judicializarse o si es en realidad una cuestión moral que todos tenemos que sopesar.
Más allá de nuestra vista
Y si hablamos de reflexionar, hablamos de filosofía. La historia del pensamiento se remite, como todo, al contexto de quienes piensan, a la época que les ha tocado vivir. Y una civilización que busca surcar el espacio y habitar sus satélites necesita con urgencia una bioética del espacio que plantee las dudas que pueden surgir ahora que nuestro mundo se extiende hacia lo ultraterrestre.
No olvidemos, sin embargo, que aunque no abandonamos la Tierra hasta el siglo XX ya llevábamos milenios preguntándonos qué habría allá arriba. Después de todo, nuestros antepasados más remotos aprendieron, en algún momento, que su supervivencia dependía en gran parte de lo que sucedía con las estrellas.
La Luna vista en un eclipse solar el 6 de abril de 2026, fotografiada por los astronautas de Artemis II. NASA
Periodistas de hace medio siglo
Se cumplen 50 años del estreno de la película Todos los hombres del presidente, el relato de la investigación del caso Watergate a manos de los periodistas del Washington Post Bob Woodward y Carl Bernstein. Una gran parte de los que nos hemos dedicado a la prensa lo hicimos inspirados por relatos como los de estos dos reporteros. ¿Fue un error?
Repasamos la historia y el contexto de la película para definir qué ha cambiado en estas cinco décadas.
Lo de los autores y sus obras
Le pasó a Rosalía pero le podía haber pasado a cualquiera. En una entrevista con la escritora Mariana Enríquez, hablando de Picasso, la cantante dijo que no le molestaba “diferenciar al autor de su obra”. Las redes, que están a la que saltan, se le cayeron encima y ella pidió públicamente disculpas por no conocer el contexto completo de las acusaciones de maltrato que pesan sobre el pintor.
Hay dos detalles a discutir aquí. Por un lado está el tema de que no siempre conocemos la vida privada de los creadores (e incluso existe el debate de si esto es importante). Por otro lado, el detalle de que puede que, aun conociéndola, decidamos disfrutar (o no) de su arte.
Hay ocasiones en las que el tema de un artículo parece pequeñito pero en realidad encierra una gran historia.
Uno podría pensar, por ejemplo, que este tema de Juan Martín Flores se va a centrar en la magia que supusieron para los espectadores programas televisivos como Chabelo y El Chavo del 8. Sin embargo, el autor los utiliza para analizar la educación que recibimos a través de la pequeña pantalla en una época en la que toda la sociedad compartía una serie de referentes. Una época que, por cierto, ya ha pasado.
Y en último lugar, un asunto curiosísimo. Todos hemos leído, y utilizado, alguna vez el ampersand (que cada uno caligrafía como puede). Hablo del simbolito con el que indicamos “y”: &. El ampersand ha cruzado fronteras y siglos para seguir entre nosotros (e incluso volver un poco locos a los informáticos). Y, como relata Maximiliano Pascual Gómez Rodríguez, su historia es apasionante.
Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Matthew Sussex, Associate Professor (Adj), Griffith Asia Institute; and Fellow, Strategic and Defence Studies Centre, Australian National University
Hungary’s most consequential election in decades has just delivered an important victory for democracy and accountability.
For Hungarians, opposition leader Péter Magyar’s emphatic defeat of Prime Minister Viktor Orbán and his ruling Fidesz Party ends 16 years of corruption and quasi-authoritarianism.
The outcome will also be felt widely, from Moscow to Washington and beyond.
In a contest characterised as a referendum on whether Hungary should pivot west or continue its authoritarian drift, Magyar’s victory is a stern rebuke to the dark, transnational forces of nativism, division and the politics of resentment that have become part of mainstream political discourse.
Perhaps the most surprising thing about the election was not the turnout (more than 74%, shattering previous records), or even the result (a two-thirds supermajority for Magyar’s Tisza party, winning at least 138 of 199 parliamentary seats).
Both had been predicted for some time, and Orbán’s soft authoritarianism had always left the door ajar for a possible opposition victory at the polls.
Rather, the biggest surprise might have been Orbán’s immediate concession. He didn’t try to manufacture a crisis or use his security services to hold onto power. Given the strength of anti-government sentiment in Hungary, such a move could have led to a “colour revolution” – the type of massive street protests seen previously in Ukraine, Georgia and other countries.
This could have turned bloody. Liberal Hungarians, and the European Union more broadly, will be heaving a collective sigh of relief.
Why Orbán was suddenly vulnerable
Having won office, Magyar will need to move quickly but also carefully to bring change, so as not to alienate too many former Fidesz voters.
He has already asked President Tamaś Sulyok to resign, along with other Orbán loyalists. The Tisza supermajority in parliament is important here. It will be required for constitutional amendments to dismantle the architecture of Orbán’s authoritarian state.
Fortunately, this will be easier in Hungary than fully fledged autocratic systems. Indeed, Orbán’s longevity can somewhat be attributed to the fact that his brand of authoritarianism was only partial.
Certainly, it had the structural elements of an autocracy. That included widespread, government-controlled gerrymandering to ensure Fidesz victories, and the cynical diversion of state funds to cities and provinces controlled by Orbán’s political allies.
In addition, the nationalised media ecosystem was heavily supportive of the government, although alternative voices kept debate alive via foreign-owned news organisations.
But Orbán’s success also came from facing weak and easily fragmented or coopted oppositions. Magyar – a former Orbán ally – ran a disciplined campaign that nullified the electoral advantage for Fidesz.
Ultimately, though, when voters have a choice – even a constrained one – they will eventually reject governments that rely on blame and victimhood to mask their inability to offer people a better future.
Under Orbán, Hungary was consistently ranked the most corrupt nation in Europe. In 2025, it ranked last in the EU on relative household wealth. It had also suffered rampant inflation and economic stagnation after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022.
Video footage of country estates built by Hungary’s elites, complete with zebras roaming the grounds, perfectly symbolised the popular outrage with wealth inequality.
A setback for Putin, Trump and right-wing populism
Hungary’s new start also sends a powerful message to other nations. Clearly the biggest loser from the election is Vladimir Putin’s Russia, which had hastily tapped Kremlin powerbroker Sergey Kiriyenko and a team of “political technologists” to assist Orbán.
Under Orbán, Hungary was the strongest pro-Kremlin voice in the EU. It regularly stymied aid packages for Ukraine, tied up decision-making on the war in bureaucratic processes, and held the European Commission to ransom by threatening hold-out votes.
In fact, just days before the election, Bloomberg published a transcript of a phone call between Orbán and Putin from October 2025, in which Orbán compared himself to a mouse helping free the caged Russian lion.
This came on the back of revelations that Orbán’s foreign minister, Péter Szijjártó, and other Hungarian officials had regularly been leaking confidential EU discussions to Moscow.
Another loser from the Hungarian election is the Trump White House.
The pre-election Budapest visit by US Vice President JD Vance to shore up support for Orbán was breathtakingly hypocritical. Vance farcically demanded an end to foreign election meddling, while engaging in precisely that. The White House then doubled down, with Trump promising on Truth Social to aid Orbán with the “full Economic Might of the United States”.
JD Vance puts Donald Trump on speakerphone during a speech in Hungary.
Now, though, Trump is very publicly on the losing side. And like the debacle of his Iran war, he tends to chafe at losing.
The election also shows that US foreign interference campaigns are not invulnerable, though the White House will doubtless continue excoriating Europe. The Trump administration’s view that Europe is heading for “civilisational erasure”, necessitating US efforts to “cultivate resistance” and “help Europe correct its current trajectory” is documented in its 2025 National Security Strategy.
But the broader movements representing what Russian journalist Mikhail Zygar calls the “Putinisation of global politics” have been repudiated by Hungary’s election result.
Under Orbán, Hungary was a hub for ultraconservative voices. Think tanks like the MAGA-boosting US Heritage Foundation and Hungary’s Danube Institute regularly held prominent dialogues bemoaning Europe’s capitulation to wokeism.
The Hungarian iteration of the Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC), sponsored by the American Conservative Union, was a key calendar for Western right-wing politicians and commentators, including former Australian Prime Minister Tony Abbott, Reform UK leader Nigel Farage, and former Fox News host Tucker Carlson.
China will also be keenly watching Magyar’s new government, especially since it has viewed Hungary as a soft entry point to the EU. The large-scale investment in electric vehicle manufacturing, especially battery production, are part of a growing Chinese business footprint in the country.
For Beijing, the question will be whether Magyar seeks to sacrifice this lucrative investment to burnish his European credentials.
What about the winners?
In addition to Hungarians outside Orbán’s orbit of elites, the EU will welcome the news that it remains an attractive force.
Ukraine, too, may find it easier to secure European assistance. At the very least, smaller Ukraine detractors like Slovakia will have to choose between acquiescing quietly or thrusting themselves uncomfortably into the open.
And with the US midterm elections fast approaching, far-right American politicians, including Trump himself, will be studying Hungary’s lessons closely. If they conclude that Orbán’s brand of authoritarianism was too soft, a more hardline path looms as an ominous alternative.
Matthew Sussex has received funding from the Australian Research Council, the Fulbright Foundation, the Carnegie Foundation, the Lowy Institute and various Australian government departments and agencies.
The landslide victory of Péter Magyar’s Tisza Party in Hungary’s parliamentary election represents much more than a routine change of government. It marks the fall of an “electoral autocracy”, a regime that used elections to shroud and legitimise a system designed to keep the ruling Fidesz party and its leader, Viktor Orbán, in power indefinitely.
The Orbán regime was founded on three pillars. The first was the concentration of power in Orbán’s hands and the destruction of constitutional restraints and oversight mechanisms.
Propelled to power in 2010 by a wave of revulsion at corruption scandals and economic crisis, Orbán quickly took over key state institutions like the judiciary, the taxation office, the prosecutor’s office and the election commission. Each were stacked with Fidesz loyalists, who transformed them into instruments of the regime.
The second pillar was corruption. The Orbán regime enriched Hungary’s elite by transferring vast resources to a group of loyal oligarchs and Orbán cronies.
It achieved this through skewered tendering processes to award massive state contracts to people like Lőrinc Mészáros, a former gas-fitter who had been one of Orbán’s close childhood friends. In 2010, Mészáros was a minor local businessman, but his wealth doubled every year of Orbán’s rule. By 2018, he was the richest man in Hungary.
The third pillar was the media, slowly subjugated by a pincer movement of government institutions and loyal oligarchs.
Legislation passed in 2011 created a Fidesz-controlled Media Council, which was empowered to impose fines for “unbalanced” reporting. This had a chilling effect on journalists.
At the same time, the regime distributed lavish subsidies and advertising contracts to pro-regime outlets. And loyal oligarchs acquired the last bastions of the Hungarian mainstream media. In 2016, one of Hungary’s most influential newspapers, Népszabadság, was purchased by a company linked to Mészáros and promptly shut down.
The culmination of this war of attrition was the creation of a massive media conglomerate, the Central European Press and Media Foundation. It came to control hundreds of media holdings donated by pro-regime businesses. The result was the consolidation of the regime’s control over an estimated 80% of Hungary’s media market.
Orbán justified this concentration of power by posing as a defender of Hungary’s sovereignty and traditional values against threats to the nation.
His rule was punctuated by a series of scare campaigns constructed around external threats – the philanthropist George Soros, the European Union, refugees and Ukraine. He used these threats to justify increasingly draconian controls over civil society and the domestic opposition.
Who is Péter Magyar?
What enabled opposition leader Péter Magyar to topple this system in Sunday’s election was the fact he was an insider.
As a moderate conservative and former Fidesz functionary, Magyar was not easy to stigmatise using the regime’s usual stereotypes. At the same time, he had deep knowledge of the inner workings of the system.
In early 2024, he broke with Fidesz during a massive scandal over a presidential pardon for a man convicted of covering up paedophilia in a children’s home. And he became an anti-corruption crusader.
On his Facebook page, Magyar reflected he had always believed in Fidesz’s vision of a “national, sovereign, civic Hungary”, but had slowly come to realise:
[…]this is really just a political product, a sugar coating that serves only two purposes: to conceal the operation of the power factory and to amass immense wealth.
A few weeks later, he magnified the impact of this bombshell by releasing audio recordings of a conversation in which his ex-wife, former Justice Minister Judit Varga, discussed how Orbán’s Cabinet chief had organised the removal of files in a corruption case.
Before the Orbán regime had time to react, Magyar had emerged as the leader of an obscure centre-right party, Tisza, in the elections to the European parliament. In a blow to Fidesz, it came from nowhere to win 30% of the vote. The result transformed Magyar into the undisputed leader of Hungary’s democratic movement.
Taking down an autocrat
Magyar undermined the Orbán regime in two ways.
The first was to neutralise Orbán’s populist, anti-elitist politics by focusing on corruption. Magyar repeatedly drew attention to the luxurious estate at Hatvanpuszta, a 19th century country estate and model farm that was massively redeveloped after 2018.
Although formally owned by Orbán’s father, Győző, it was widely believed to be a personal retreat of Viktor Orbán himself. Magyar called Hatvanpuszta “the heart of the system”, and likened it to one of Putin’s palaces.
The second was to reach out to Orbán’s rural heartland. In 2025, Magyar walked hundreds of kilometres in a series of political marches across the Hungarian countryside, visiting the small towns and villages that traditionally voted for Fidesz.
Péter Magyar walks across border the Hungarian border to Romania.
His party, Tisza, soon overtook Fidesz in the pre-election polls, but a peaceful transition of power was far from inevitable.
During its final years, the Orbán regime had became increasingly repressive. It used the security services to conduct a covert operation to penetrate the Tisza party’s computer servers. It also laid espionage charges against the country’s famous investigative journalist, Szabolcs Panyi, for exposing how Orbán’s foreign minister was collaborating with the Kremlin.
And a disinformation campaign, apparently of Russian origin, prepared the ground for a government crackdown by raising the spectre of post-election violence and attempts to assassinate Orbán.
But what broke the regime was the tidal wave of popular support for Magyar’s campaign. In the lead-up to the election, fractures began to emerge within the regime. A combination of whistleblower testimony and leaks from the security forces shone a spotlight on its abuses of power.
When the scale of Magyar’s victory became clear on election night, there was no room to dispute the verdict of the people. Orbán was finished.
Robert Horvath has received funding from the Australian Research Council.
A year ago this month, Canadians delivered a result that seemed impossible just a few weeks earlier: another Liberal minority government, this time under newly chosen leader Mark Carney. Now, after three byelections, the Liberals have a majority for the first time since 2019.
It’s been an astonishing reversal of fortune for the Liberals. For more than two years, the Conservatives had held a comfortable advantage in the polls. Many analysts treated a Conservative victory as all but inevitable.
Two major developments upended what had appeared to be a predictable political landscape — and, if the byelection results are any indication, their effects may be lasting.
The first was the return of Donald Trump to the United States presidency. This brought an immediate wave of tariffs and an adversarial posture toward Canada. The policy shock had economic consequences, but it also triggered a shift in how Canadians perceived the risks facing the country.
With Carney newly installed as leader, the Liberals entered the election presenting not continuity but transformation in the face of Trump’s threats about making Canada the 51st American state.
Taken together, these shocks reshaped voters’ priorities. Instead of evaluating parties along familiar ideological lines, many Canadians approached the election as a question of who could best protect the country during an unusually turbulent moment. It seems that a year later, Canadian voters are still regarding the Liberals in this light.
New data from the 2025 Canadian Election Study (CES) has helped illuminate this dynamic. When asked which party was best suited to manage Canada’s relationship with the United States, Canadians across nearly all partisan groups — including those who typically support other parties — chose the Liberals most often (57.8 per cent).
While Liberal and Conservative partisans selected their own respective parties more than 80 per cent of the time, what’s noteworthy is that strong majorities of NDP (71.6 per cent) and Bloc (62.8 per cent) supporters also selected the Liberals.
The significance of this pattern is hard to overstate. The relationship with the U.S. dominated voter concerns during the election. One in five Canadians mentioned the relationship with the U.S., Trump or tariffs as the most important issue in the 2025 Canadian federal election.
This was the second most common response behind general economic concerns, which were closely tied to the U.S. situation. About one in three Canadians said the economy was the most important issue.
Instead, a sizable majority of Canadians supported the use of retaliatory tariffs (68.7 per cent), and more Canadians identified the Liberals as the party best able to manage the economy (48 per cent versus 39 per cent for Conservatives).
This shift in perceived competence had profound cascading effects. Strategic voting among NDP supporters, in particular, proved decisive. While partisans typically remain loyal to their own party, 2025 saw an unprecedented number of traditionally NDP voters casting ballots for the Liberals.
While more than 80 per cent of NDP supporters voted for their own party in 2021, a majority of NDP partisans voted for the Liberals in 2025, a highly unusual pattern for partisans in most elections.
This trend extended to Bloc voters as well, though to a lesser extent, leading to a Liberal minority that was unimaginable six months earlier.
Carney and the Liberals still popular
As we approach the one-year anniversary of this election, the aftermath of those choices is still visible in public opinion.
Polling conducted in early 2026 shows the Liberals holding a six‑point lead in national vote intention, along with a 52 per cent government approval rating. Carney’s net favourability sits at +20.
These indicators, as well as the byelection results, suggest that voters have not experienced the “buyer’s remorse” that sometimes follows strategic elections. Instead, many appear reassured by the combination of stability and technocratic competence they sought in 2025.
Multiple floor-crossings by Conservative and NDP members — the most recent is longtime Conservative MP Marilyn Gladu, whose defection left the Liberals just one seat short of a majority before the byelections — suggest optimism about the Liberal government’s stability.
Whether this stability endures will depend heavily on developments outside Canada’s borders. But for now, Canadians seem broadly satisfied with the strategic choice they made in April 2025.
The Canadian Election Study was funded from the Social Science and Humanities Research Council (grant #891-2019-2011).
Daniel Rubenson receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada
Laura Stephenson has received funding from SSHRC (Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada) and Max Bell Foundation for her research.
Lewis Krashinsky receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (#756-2024-0366).
