How the art of Chinese calligraphy can bring creative freedom in the age of AI

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Karolina Pawlik, Assistant Professor, AFCT Faculty, Xi’an Jiaotong-Liverpool University

Many of us would struggle to recall the last time we wrote anything substantial by hand. Digital devices often feel more convenient and efficient. But research shows that the intricate motor skills and visual processing required for handwriting encourages more extensive brain activity than typing.

The tools we use and our daily writing habits can influence our thinking and creativity. Because of this, I think we should reconsider the importance of hands-on ways of expressing ourselves and generating new ideas.

One of the oldest handwriting practices still in use today is Chinese calligraphy, which enables self-expression through skilful use of brushstrokes and composition. Chinese calligraphy gives equal value to the parts of the scroll that are blackened with the ink, and to those parts left unfilled.

For centuries, calligraphy was shaped by cultural, philosophical and artistic concepts. It established itself as one of the most significant forms of traditional and modern art in China. Perhaps more importantly, it served as a prominent medium for daily cultivation of the human mind and character.

Its basic tools are a soft brush, Xuan paper (traditionally made from tree bark and rice straw) and ink. But true artists would argue that a good piece of calligraphy cannot be accomplished without a clear mind, sincerity, humility and self-restraint.

Hand holding a brush and writing a Chinese character
Traditional Chinese calligraphy.
Niketh Vellanki/Unsplash

As generative AI takes on more writing tasks, humans are turning from writers into prompting masters and editors of machine-generated content. This brings the risk of us becoming disconnected from our own creative ideas.

While the quality of AI-generated text may often be sufficient, the writing process is significantly different. As American historian Timothy Snyder argued in the “ninth lesson” from his book On Tyranny, poor use of words make us more susceptible to manipulation and suppression.

The multi-sensory experience of handwritten calligraphy fosters a deeper connection with the writer’s insights, emotions and surroundings. Writing with a brush requires slowing down and patient introspection. Because it demands attentiveness to posture and movements, a calligrapher’s body is grounded in the physical world – and such moments can have lasting benefits for our sometimes overwhelmed, restless minds.

Writers like Nicholas Carr and Aden Evens bring attention to the ongoing rewiring of our minds and reshaping of our abilities, caused by the excessive amount of time we spend online. They claim that while technology can enhance certain skills, it may also alter fundamental aspects of our thinking, behaviour and relationships.

For instance, constant engagement with technology can diminish our attention spans and deep-reading abilities, leading to superficial information processing.

And according to artist and author James Bridle, our tech-dependency and over-reliance on automated systems easily blinds us to bias, simplification and bad data generated by machines.

Reinvention of the brush

Through deep concentration and focus on the transient present moment, calligraphy allows practitioners to let go of distractions and cultivate a sense of inner peace.

Ink artist Pan Jianfeng, born in Rui’an, China and now living in Porvoo, Finland, embraced handwriting with a brush as a modern pursuit of self-cultivation, creative freedom and intimate human communication. For the past decade, he has committed to rediscovering the soft brush as a tool that knows no boundaries in culture, language or time.

Pan’s unique strategies of letting artworks grow through experimental use of paper and brush invite us to reconsider meaning of the “content generation”, “human creativity” and “communication”.

By generating largely unpredictable images using only traditional organic materials (water, ink, brush and paper) and his body, he shows us possibilities to engage with concepts beyond our expectations and imagination – without adding to the burden on the environment, as generative AI does.

And by creating playful artworks that value ambiguity and understatement, and – contrary to the mindset fostered by computational thinking – reject any single, inviolable answer, Pan seeks to open spaces of conversation, creative confusion and shared negotiation of meaning.

Pan Jianfeng creating his work, Building Happiness.

Both in his art and the “One Breath Workshops” he occasionally holds, Pan advocates for mindful handwriting which does not generate more content in an age already saturated with information and misinformation – but rather, removes the superfluity and brings a sense of stillness and peace.

Machines would struggle with text or image recognition in Pan’s ink scrolls such as Northern Ocean (2023) or Unregistered Calligraphy (2024). But human audiences enjoy the game of imagination and discovery.

In the ongoing exhibition Ink Roamings, curated by Shao-Lan Hertel in the Museum of East Asian Art in Cologne, visitors take time to discuss and guess the possible meanings together. Or they quietly contemplate Pan’s artworks in search of own truth.

“People have little trust in themselves and believe too much in technology, so they easily get lost,” Pan told me in an interview for my upcoming book on his work. “I don’t think we need more content – we need a better understanding of the world with all its challenges, and of each other. Through my writing, I try to craft more time and space for this understanding – not less.”


This article features references to books that have been included for editorial reasons, and may contain links to bookshop.org. If you click on one of the links and go on to buy something from bookshop.org The Conversation UK may earn a commission.


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The Conversation

Karolina Pawlik received research funding from Xi’an Jiaotong-Liverpool University for her project “Soft Brush, Creativity and Cross-Cultural Communication” (2023-2025).

ref. How the art of Chinese calligraphy can bring creative freedom in the age of AI – https://theconversation.com/how-the-art-of-chinese-calligraphy-can-bring-creative-freedom-in-the-age-of-ai-262466

Fomentar la economía rural, el mejor antídoto contra los incendios

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By José Manuel Cabrero, Catedrático. Estructuras Arquitectónicas y Construcción con Madera. Cátedra Madera Onesta, Universidad de Navarra

Cada verano, los incendios forestales se repiten en el paisaje español y protagonizan las noticias. Estos últimos días han sido especialmente dramáticos, con fuegos devastadores en Tarifa, Zamora, Madrid o Las Médulas, espacio natural que quedó totalmente arrasado.

Si bien las cifras de destrucción varían drásticamente —desde las más de 310 000 hectáreas quemadas en 2022 hasta las aproximadamente 48 000 hectáreas de 2024—, su rastro de destrucción en la biodiversidad y las comunidades rurales permanece. Es un buen momento para recordar que, también con el fuego, la mejor estrategia es la prevención.

El triángulo del fuego

Para evitarlo, primero hay que entender cómo comienza un incendio. La clave está en un concepto fundamental, el “triángulo del fuego”, compuesto por tres elementos: calor, oxígeno y combustible. Si eliminamos cualquiera de ellos, el fuego se apaga.

El calor es el detonante, el “mechero” que enciende la llama, en forma de rayo, una chispa accidental o una negligencia. En España, más del 90 % de los incendios tienen causas humanas.
El oxígeno, presente en el aire, alimenta la llama. Por eso cuando se cubre una vela con un vaso y se le quita este elemento, se apaga.

Finalmente, está el combustible. En una barbacoa, el carbón por sí solo no arde; necesita un material que prenda con facilidad para alimentar la llama. Lo mismo pasa en el monte, donde la vegetación del sotobosque –hierbas secas, arbustos y ramas caídas– actúa como ese papel o esas astillas: es el material que prende con más facilidad y permite que el fuego se propague a los árboles .




Leer más:
Beneficios de no cortar los árboles después de un incendio


El abandono rural: un combustible silencioso

Con el calor y el oxígeno fuera de nuestro control directo, la única vía realista para la prevención es la gestión del tercer componente: el combustible. Y el principal responsable de su peligrosa acumulación es un problema silenciado: el abandono rural. Muchas zonas del interior de España han dejado de cultivarse o pastorearse. Como resultado, el monte se llena de vegetación que actúa como combustible natural.

Apagar el fuego constituye la solución última y, por tanto, siempre es ya demasiado tarde. La clave, por lo tanto, no es solo combatir las llamas, sino apostar por una gestión activa del paisaje, que nos permita controlar ese combustible vegetal. No se trata de eliminar la vegetación, sino de gestionarla con inteligencia.

Un bosque “limpio” no es un bosque sin vegetación, sino un ecosistema sano y resiliente que acoge refugios de biodiversidad y mantiene hábitats esenciales.




Leer más:
Maneras de mirar un bosque


Cómo brindar valor al bosque

La clave está en generar una economía rural basada en el uso del monte. Si bien estas tareas generan empleo en la España vaciada, también cuestan dinero. Por ello, es fundamental brindar valor al bosque. Para que el monte perdure, es necesario crear una economía sostenible en torno a productos y servicios como la ganadería extensiva, la silvicultura, la agricultura mixta, el turismo y otros productos no maderables.

Proyectos como PRISMA, BIOVALOR o Bio+Málaga están explorando cómo convertir esta gestión activa en empleo y oportunidades para zonas rurales. Se trata de reimaginar nuestros montes no solo como espacios naturales, sino como motores de desarrollo local.

Tecnología para prevenir, no solo apagar

La tecnología puede jugar un papel importante en el desarrollo de la economía rural. En Navarra, los servicios de emergencia han desarrollado un sistema de información geográfica que permite cartografiar zonas de riesgo, visualizar accesos y coordinar respuestas en tiempo real.

Este sistema, cuyo valor reside en la prevención, permite saber con precisión dónde se acumula combustible vegetal, qué caminos están inactivos o qué áreas requieren atención prioritaria. Así, la gestión del monte puede basarse en datos y evidencias, permitiendo invertir los recursos donde más se necesitan, y ser más eficiente y precisa.




Leer más:
La España vaciada y la España rellena, condenadas a entenderse


Economía circular y prevención: una misma lucha

El viejo dicho forestal es muy cierto: los incendios no se apagan en verano, sino en invierno. Prevenir fuegos implica repensar el uso de nuestros recursos forestales. Un monte bien gestionado, que alimenta una economía circular en torno a sus productos y servicios, es un monte más seguro.

Mientras que darle valor al bosque reduce las amenazas que se ciernen sobre él, cuidar los montes se traduce en dinamizar la economía rural y devolver vida a los pueblos.

La oportunidad de un futuro más próspero y resiliente está en nuestros bosques. Porque un monte gestionado es más útil, más biodiverso y más vivo. Y, por supuesto, reduce el peligro de incendios.

The Conversation

José Manuel Cabrero recibe fondos del Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovación, del Fondo Europeo de Desarrollo Regional y de la Fundación Biodiversidad del Ministerio para la Transición Ecológica y el Reto Demográfico (MITECO) en el marco del Plan de Recuperación, Transformación y Resiliencia (PRTR) financiado por la Unión Europea – NextGenerationEU, y de la empresa Onesta.

César Martín-Gómez recibe fondos de la Cátedra Fundación Saltoki.
Miembro de la Asociación Técnica Española de Climatización y Refrigeración (ATECYR).

Rayder Willian Leonardo Laura recibe fondos de la Fundación Biodiversidad del Ministerio para la Transición Ecológica y el Reto Demográfico (MITECO) en el marco del Plan de Recuperación, Transformación y Resiliencia (PRTR) financiado por la Unión Europea – NextGenerationEU.

ref. Fomentar la economía rural, el mejor antídoto contra los incendios – https://theconversation.com/fomentar-la-economia-rural-el-mejor-antidoto-contra-los-incendios-261935

4 laws that could stymie the Trump EPA’s plan to rescind the endangerment finding, central to US climate policies

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By H. Christopher Frey, Glenn E. Futrell Distinguished University Professor of Environmental Engineering, North Carolina State University

U.S. Interior Secretary Doug Burgum, left, takes a selfie with Energy Secretary Chris Wright, center, and EPA Administrator Lee Zeldin in front of the Trans-Alaska oil pipeline. AP Photo/Jenny Kane

The Trump administration’s plan to unravel many of the nation’s climate policies hinges on rescinding what’s known as the endangerment finding. But its strategy for doing that appears to run afoul of several federal laws.

The endangerment finding is a 2009 determination by the Environmental Protection Agency that six greenhouse gases, including carbon dioxide, contribute to climate change and therefore pose a threat to public health and welfare.

The scientific evidence of these threats has gotten stronger in the years since the endangerment finding was made. That evidence is laid out in multiple national and international reports written by hundreds of scientists who reviewed the data and research.

In contrast, the EPA’s proposal to now rescind the endangerment finding is based in part on a new Department of Energy report written by five people, named as the “Climate Working Group.” All five have been outspoken critics of mainstream climate science. Energy Secretary Chris Wright said he handpicked the group to write the report.

The group’s report cherry-picks information and misrepresents uncertainties. Some scientists whose studies it cites have complained that the authors misrepresented their research. Others are speaking out about factual problems with the report.

I have served in the federal government and on numerous scientific federal advisory committees, and I’ve seen firsthand the rigorous requirements that federal agencies are supposed to meet so that scientific information they disseminate can be trusted by the public.

The Energy Department and the EPA seem to have run afoul of four laws in particular that may be tricky for the administration to get around.

1. Has the Energy Department produced a credible report?

A casual reader might think the Energy Department climate report is credible.

Its inside cover affirms that it “is being disseminated … in compliance with” the Information Quality Act. The word “disseminated” means that this is a final report and not just a draft.

The Information Quality Act, passed by Congress in 2000, requires “ensuring and maximizing the quality, objectivity, utility, and integrity of information (including statistical information) disseminated by Federal agencies.”

An image of the title page pointing out important problems.
The author annotates the title page of the Energy Department’s report.
Christopher Frey

This law is the basis for federal guidance on scientific peer review for all agencies. It also requires agencies to provide the public with an opportunity to request corrections in final reports if they were not properly developed or lack balance, accuracy and objectivity. The agency decides whether to grant the request, but there is an appeals process.

Government scientific products considered final also must have previously undergone independent external peer review conducted in an “open and rigorous manner,” according to the White House Office of Management and Budget.

One author of the Energy Department’s report stated that the report was reviewed by “eight scientists/administrators employed by the DOE.” However, this does not meet the government’s standards for implementing the law, which requires a public record of review by scientific experts not affiliated with the department that issued the report.

2. Agencies cannot cherry-pick groups to give answers they want

The Federal Advisory Committee Act of 1972, or FACA, addressed concerns that “special interest groups” could “exercise undue influence” in promoting “their private concerns” on “matters in which they have vested interests.”

The law requires a public process for creating and appointing groups to advise the government and requires that the properly appointed group operates in public view and takes public comments along the way.

According to the DOE’s own guidance, “FACA applies when a group is asked to render advice or recommendations as a group and not a collection of individuals.”

Thus, the group chosen to write the department’s report falls within the scope of FACA. The law requires that a committee representing a fair balance of viewpoints be chartered under FACA and that members be appointed only after a public nomination process with public opportunity to comment on the list of candidates.

Once appointed, a balanced group is also required to deliberate in public and receive public comments in formulating their report. That didn’t happen.

3. Federal agencies cannot be arbitrary or inconsistent in rulemaking

The Administrative Procedure Act of 1946 requires federal agencies to allow public participation in rulemaking processes and to follow consistent procedures and practices when developing regulations.

The law prohibits actions that are “arbitrary and capricious” – meaning decisions made without justification or regard for facts – or an “abuse of discretion.”

Agencies are expected to examine relevant data. They must not only follow applicable laws, such as FACA, but also must follow procedures established to implement those laws, such as balanced membership of the committee and opportunity for public comment when formulating the report.

A schematic of different laws and their impact
Four federal laws that apply to the EPA’s effort.
Christopher Frey

4. Science Advisory Board review is also required

The EPA is also subject to the Environmental Research, Development and Demonstration Authorization Act of 1978. The act mandated that the EPA must establish a Science Advisory Board. It also requires that agency make available to its Science Advisory Board relevant scientific and technical information on any “proposed criteria document, standard, limitation, or regulation.”

The board must be given time to review the scientific and technical basis of the proposed action – in this case, the disseminated Energy Department report – now that the EPA is using this report to inform its regulatory action.

Under the Information Quality Act, the EPA may not develop a regulation based on a draft report.

The EPA’s Science Advisory Board website lists zero members as of mid-August 2025. On Jan. 28, 2025, the EPA dismissed all of the board’s previous members. Nominations for new board members were due on June 2. At best, it will be months before the EPA can seat a new Science Advisory Board because of time needed to complete the selection, appointment and ethics review processes.

An annotated screenshot of the EPA’s Science Advisory Board website shows no members as of Aug. 11, 2025.
EPA

Either the EPA could follow the law and suspend any proposed actions until the Science Advisory Board is available, or accept legal risk for not following the Environmental Research, Development and Demonstration Authorization Act.

What’s next?

These laws exist to protect the public by preventing the federal government from being unduly influenced by narrow interests when disseminating evidence that informs policy decisions. Science-based agencies such as the Energy Department and the EPA have a legal requirement to follow the science.

The public has a chance to comment on the EPA’s proposal to rescind the 2009 endangerment finding and greenhouse gas vehicle standards until Sept. 15, 2025. And although the Energy Department disseminated its report as a final version, the department is accepting public comments on the report through Sept. 2.

For both, the most effective comments are evidence-based and not merely opinion.

The National Academies of Sciences, Engineering and Medicine, independent nonprofit institutions that advise the government, announced in early August that they will conduct a fast-track review of the science on whether greenhouse gas emissions endanger public health and welfare to submit as a public comment.

Because the Energy Department report is presented as final, it is also subject to the “request for correction” process under the Information Quality Act within 60 days of its initial release.

Given the Energy Department report’s legal vulnerabilities, the Trump administration could consider withdrawing the report and starting over with a legally and scientifically valid approach. If these vulnerabilities are not corrected and the EPA rescinds the endangerment finding based on the Energy Department report, years of litigation are likely to slow the administration’s efforts.

The Conversation

Dr. H. Christopher Frey is currently a professor of environmental engineering at North Carolina State University. He has served on numerous scientific advisory committees, including the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency FIFRA Scientific Advisory Panel (2004-2006), Science Advisory Board (2012-2018), and Clean Air Scientific Advisory Committee (2008-2015). He was chair of CASAC from 2012 to 2015. He has served on study committees of the National Academies of Science, Engineering, and Medicine. He served at EPA from 2021 to 2022 as Deputy Assistant Administrator for Science Policy and from 2022 to 2024 as Assistant Administrator for Research and Development and Science Advisor. While in federal service he co-chaired the National Science and Technology Council Committee on Environment.

ref. 4 laws that could stymie the Trump EPA’s plan to rescind the endangerment finding, central to US climate policies – https://theconversation.com/4-laws-that-could-stymie-the-trump-epas-plan-to-rescind-the-endangerment-finding-central-to-us-climate-policies-262952

Canadian cities are unprepared for climate-driven migration — here’s what they can do

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Kent Mundle, Senior Researcher, Lecturer in Architecture, University of Hong Kong

This summer, wildfires have caused evacuations across Canada and recently forced thousands of people to flee their homes in Newfoundland and Labrador.

Some of the biggest impacts are being felt in the Prairies. In Manitoba, authorities recently issued evacuation orders for 15,000 people, mostly in the province’s north. Many evacuees are brought to larger cities like Winnipeg, overwhelming hotels and emergency housing.

In Canada, climate-driven migration is often imagined as a distant threat that affects others in the world. But these evacuations foreshadow a future where internal displacement becomes a regular feature of Canadian life — and where cities must rethink how they plan for disruption.

Events like the 88,000-person evacuation from Fort McMurray, Alta. in 2016 and the destruction of Lytton, B.C. in 2021 show how fast rural populations can be displaced.

Manitoba’s evacuations are among largest in recent memory, and many evacuated communities are remote and poorly connected to infrastructure. For them, evacuation may soon become an annual reality.

At the University of Hong Kong’s District Development Unit research lab (DDU), we develop architectural and urban strategies for rapidly urbanising regions in the Global South, where settlements are already experiencing the impacts of climate change. We’ve seen how post-disaster migration reshapes cities. These shifts are predictable in places where infrastructure and governance haven’t kept pace with climate volatility.

Rural-to-urban climate migration

Across Canada, services and infrastructure are already under stress. Housing is increasingly unaffordable, including in rural areas. Many rural regions, especially those with large Indigenous populations, struggle to access basic services.

Though these areas are home to 18 per cent of the population, they are served by only eight per cent of Canada’s physicians. More than one quarter of rural school districts report closures or consolidations due to underfunding. These structural weaknesses form the backdrop to a slow-moving crisis — one that climate events are accelerating.

Elsewhere in the world, disasters regularly drive rural-to-urban migration and permanent urban change. In countries like Nepal and the Philippines — where our lab works — these movements are often rapid, informal and far beyond the scope of traditional planning.

In Kathmandu, the 2015 earthquake struck a city already marked by informal housing and fragile services. It accelerated a haphazard urban transformation characterized by uncontrolled sprawl, unsafe informal construction and overstretched infrastructure.

In the Philippines, typhoon recovery is often driven by necessity, with residents rebuilding informally. This results in growing slums and increasing vulnerability to future disasters.

These dynamics create new urban landscapes. In some cases, local governments are taking the lead, for example, by establishing local evacuation centres in the Philippines.

Elsewhere, informal encampments, home extensions and land occupations take hold. These are responses that reflect not only survival, but governance: provisional infrastructures are built through necessity, negotiation and collective care.

Canada’s climate urbanism

Canada is not exempt from these dynamics. When disaster strikes, evacuees often seek refuge in cities, where better public infrastructure offers some stability. As climate change fuels ever-larger wildfires, this trend will grow, with smaller urban centres absorbing more people fleeing climate-stressed regions.

Yet policy remains far behind. There is no national framework for climate-induced displacement. Canada’s immigration and housing policies have no category for internal climate migration. Disaster response remains reactive, coordinated mainly by municipalities and provinces through short-term tools like 211 or temporary shelters.

Interjurisdictional planning is minimal. Municipal climate plans rarely anticipate population surges or extended pressure on housing. Displacement is still treated as an occasional event, not as an enduring part of Canadian urban life.

Canada must begin to learn from places already living this future.

In Taiwan, civic centres double as emergency shelters, equipped with backup power, water tanks and seismic isolation systems. In Japan, disaster-prevention parks embed solar lighting, cooking stations and toilets into public green spaces.

And in Mongolia, our lab has developed incremental urban strategies for Ulaanbaatar’s ger districts — clustering growth, infrastructure and housing to adapt to rapid, uncertain settlement patterns.

These examples reflect a model of urbanism in which emergency response and long-term development are not separate, but part of a continuous, negotiated process.

What Canada can do

Canada’s geography, governance and urban forms demand their own set of protocols and prototypes. While lessons from elsewhere can guide us, they cannot be copied wholesale.

This means it is vital to develop a national framework for internal climate migration that integrates climate displacement into the National Housing Strategy.

All orders of governments should focus of developing multi-use resilience infrastructure, such as community centres and schools equipped for emergency response, and advancing adaptive housing policies that can expand or contract with demand.

Canada once helped shape global thinking on the transformation of urban areas. The 1976 United Nations Habitat Conference in Vancouver, catalyzed by the efforts of architects and planners, called for new models of settlement and development grounded in equity, participation and awareness of our planet’s limits.

Nearly 50 years later, that unfinished legacy has a new urgency.

Today, climate displacement calls for a shift in how architects engage with the built environment — moving toward coordinated action with communities, policymakers and allied fields, and embracing models of practice that move beyond the traditional role of service provider — to actively initiate change.

Architects must engage not only with buildings, but with the frameworks that govern land, infrastructure and migration itself. This means challenging the professional neutrality that too often aligns design with extractive systems, and instead welcoming practices capable of working across institutions, jurisdictions and communities.

A national summit could mark the beginning of this shift by creating a forum to discuss climate migration and design the tools, policies and partnerships that will shape its outcomes.

The question is not whether climate movement will occur, but whether we will be prepared to meet it with intention, care and foresight.

The Conversation

Any proceeds from the DDU are reinvested in the research lab based at the University of Hong Kong.

ref. Canadian cities are unprepared for climate-driven migration — here’s what they can do – https://theconversation.com/canadian-cities-are-unprepared-for-climate-driven-migration-heres-what-they-can-do-262490

Israël, Yémen, Guatemala, Timor oriental… Six stratégies utilisées par les États-Unis pour se distancier des atrocités commises par ceux qu’ils soutiennent

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Jeff Bachman, Associate Professor, Department of Peace, Human Rights & Cultural Relations, American University School of International Service

Depuis la fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, les États-Unis ont régulièrement soutenu des dirigeants et des pays qui ont commis des atrocités. Washington déploie six stratégies rhétoriques pour se distancier de ces actes. Illustrations historiques avec les cas du Guatemala, de l’Indonésie au Timor oriental et de la Coalition dirigée par l’Arabie saoudite au Yémen.


Depuis la Seconde Guerre mondiale, les États-Unis ont à plusieurs reprises soutenu des gouvernements qui ont commis des atrocités de masse, définies par le spécialiste du génocide Scott Straus comme étant une « violence à grande échelle et systématique contre des populations civiles ».

Cela inclut le soutien à Israël, qui est resté constant malgré le désaccord récent entre le président Donald Trump et le premier ministre Benyamin Nétanyahou sur la question de savoir si les Palestiniens sont victimes de famine à Gaza.

Nous sommes spécialistes des questions liées aux génocides et autres atrocités de masse, ainsi que des enjeux de sécurité internationale. Dans le cadre de nos recherches pour un prochain article à paraître dans le Journal of Genocide Research, nous avons étudié des déclarations officielles, des documents déclassifiés et des articles de presse portant sur quatre cas où les États-Unis ont soutenu des gouvernements alors qu’ils commettaient des atrocités : l’Indonésie au Timor oriental (1975-1999), le Guatemala (1981-1983), la coalition dirigée par l’Arabie saoudite – dite « Coalition » – au Yémen depuis 2015 et Israël à Gaza depuis octobre 2023.

Nous avons identifié six stratégies rhétoriques, autrement dit six façons de formuler un discours, utilisées par des responsables américains pour distancier publiquement les États-Unis des atrocités commises par ceux qui bénéficient de leur soutien.

Cette analyse est essentielle : lorsque les Américains, et plus largement l’opinion internationale, prennent ces discours pour argent comptant, les États-Unis peuvent continuer à agir en toute impunité, malgré leur rôle dans la violence mondiale.

Feindre l’ignorance face aux crimes

Lorsque des responsables américains nient toute connaissance des atrocités perpétrées par des parties bénéficiant du soutien des États-Unis, nous appelons cela une ignorance feinte (premier stratagème).

Par exemple, après que la Coalition a bombardé un bus scolaire au Yémen, tuant des dizaines d’enfants, la sénatrice américaine Elizabeth Warren a demandé au général Joseph Votel si le Commandement central des États-Unis suivait l’objectif des missions qu’il ravitaillait en carburant.

Sa réponse : « Sénatrice, nous ne le faisons pas. »

Cette ignorance proclamée contraste fortement avec les crimes de guerre de la Coalition, bien documentés depuis 2015. Comme l’a exprimé Scott Paul, expert du Yémen, dans ces termes : « Plus personne ne peut feindre la surprise lorsque de nombreux civils sont tués. »

Brouiller les faits pour masquer la vérité

Lorsque les preuves d’atrocités ne peuvent plus être ignorées, les responsables américains ont recours à la confusion pour brouiller les faits (deuxième stratagème).

Lorsque les forces indonésiennes ont perpétré des massacres en 1983, tuant des centaines de civils, l’ambassade des États-Unis à Jakarta a envoyé un télégramme au secrétaire d’État ainsi qu’à plusieurs ambassades, consulats et missions américaines remettant en question les rapports, car ils « n’avaient pas été confirmés par d’autres sources ».

De même, lors du génocide maya au Guatemala, à la suite du coup d’État réussi d’Efraín Ríos Montt, des responsables américains ont déformé les informations faisant état des violences perpétrées par le gouvernement, en rejetant la responsabilité sur les guérilleros.

« Je sais que le président Ríos Montt est un homme d’une grande intégrité personnelle et d’un engagement profond », a déclaré le président Ronald Reagan après sa rencontre avec le président guatémaltèque en 1982.

Dans son rapport de 1982 sur les droits humains au Guatemala, par exemple, le département d’État affirmait :

« Lorsqu’il a été possible d’attribuer la responsabilité des [meurtres au Guatemala], il semble plus probable que, dans la majorité des cas, ce sont les insurgés […] qui sont coupables. »

Pourtant, les services de renseignement américains affirmaient le contraire.

Des rapports sur les atrocités et abus commis par l’État au Guatemala figurent dans des documents de renseignement américains datant des années 1960. Un câble de la CIA de 1992 mentionnait explicitement que « plusieurs villages ont été rasés » et que « l’armée ne devait pas faire de quartier, aux combattants comme aux non-combattants ».

Nier l’implication directe malgré les preuves

Alors que continuent de s’accumuler les preuves des atrocités, ainsi que celles permettant d’identifier les responsables, les responsables américains ont souvent recours à la négation (troisième stratagème).

Ils ne nient pas que l’aide américaine est fournie, mais soutiennent qu’elle n’a pas été directement utilisée pour commettre des atrocités.

Par exemple, lors des atrocités commises par l’Indonésie au Timor oriental, les États-Unis ont activement formé des membres du corps des officiers indonésiens. Lorsque les forces de sécurité indonésiennes ont massacré jusqu’à 100 personnes dans un cimetière de Dili en 1991, la réaction de l’administration Bush s’est limitée à déclarer qu’« aucun des officiers militaires indonésiens présents à Santa Cruz n’avait reçu de formation américaine ».

Détourner l’attention, faire diversion

Lorsque l’attention publique sur le soutien américain atteint un niveau qui ne peut plus être facilement ignoré, les responsables américains peuvent recourir à la diversion (quatrième stratagème).

Il s’agit d’ajustements politiques très médiatisés, qui impliquent rarement des changements significatifs. Ils incluent souvent une forme de leurre. En effet, l’objectif de la diversion n’est pas de changer le comportement du bénéficiaire de l’aide américaine, mais simplement une tactique politique utilisée pour apaiser les critiques.

En 1996, lorsque l’administration Clinton a cédé à la pression des militants en suspendant les ventes d’armes légères à l’Indonésie, elle a tout de même vendu à l’Indonésie pour 470 millions de dollars d’armements sophistiqués, dont neuf avions de combat F-16.

Plus récemment, en réponse aux critiques du Congrès et de l’opinion publique, l’administration Biden a suspendu la livraison de bombes de 2 000 et 500 livres à Israël en mai 2024 – mais seulement pour une courte période. Toutes ses autres importantes livraisons d’armes sont restées inchangées.

Comme l’illustre le soutien des États-Unis à Israël, le détournement inclut également des enquêtes américaines superficielles qui signalent une certaine préoccupation face aux abus, sans aucune conséquence, ainsi que le soutien à des auto-enquêtes, dont les résultats disculpatoires sont prévisibles.

Faire l’éloge des dirigeants pour justifier la violence

Lorsque les atrocités commises par les bénéficiaires de l’aide américaine sont très visibles, les responsables américains utilisent également la glorification (cinquième stratagème) pour faire l’éloge des premiers et pour les présenter comme dignes d’être aidés.

En 1982, le président Ronald Reagan a fait l’éloge du président Suharto, le dictateur responsable de la mort de plus de 700 000 personnes en Indonésie et au Timor oriental entre 1965 et 1999, pour son leadership « responsable ». Par ailleurs, des responsables de l’administration Clinton le qualifiaient de « notre genre de gars ».

De même, le dirigeant guatémaltèque Ríos Montt a été présenté par Reagan au début des années 1980 comme

« un homme d’une grande intégrité personnelle et d’un grand engagement », contraint de faire face à « un défi brutal lancé par des guérilleros armés et soutenus par des forces extérieures au Guatemala ».

Ces dirigeants sont ainsi dépeints comme exerçant la force soit pour une cause juste, soit uniquement parce qu’ils font face à une menace existentielle. Ce fut le cas pour Israël, l’administration Biden déclarant qu’Israël était

« en proie à une bataille existentielle ».

Cette glorification élève non seulement les dirigeants sur un piédestal moral, mais justifie également la violence qu’ils commettent.

Parler de diplomatie discrète

Enfin, les responsables américains affirment souvent mener une forme de diplomatie discrète (sixième stratagème), agissant en coulisses pour contrôler les bénéficiaires de l’aide des États-Unis.

Il est important de noter que, selon ces responsables, pour que cette diplomatie discrète soit efficace, le soutien américain reste nécessaire. Ainsi, le maintien de l’aide à ceux qui commettent des atrocités se trouve légitimé précisément parce que c’est cette relation qui permet aux États-Unis d’influencer leur comportement.

Au Timor oriental, le Pentagone a fait valoir que la formation renforçait le « respect des droits humains par les troupes indonésiennes ». Lorsqu’une unité militaire indonésienne formée par les États-Unis a massacré environ 1 200 personnes en 1998, le département de la Défense a déclaré que « même si des soldats formés par les Américains avaient commis certains des meurtres », les États-Unis devaient continuer la formation afin de « maintenir leur influence sur la suite des événements ».

Les responsables américains ont également laissé entendre en 2020 que les Yéménites attaqués par la Coalition dirigée par l’Arabie saoudite bénéficiaient du soutien militaire américain à cette Coalition, car ce soutien conférait aux États-Unis une influence sur l’utilisation de ces armes.

Dans le cas de Gaza, les responsables américains ont, à plusieurs reprises, invoqué la diplomatie discrète pour promouvoir la retenue, tout en cherchant à bloquer d’autres systèmes de responsabilisation.

Par exemple, les États-Unis ont utilisé leur veto à six résolutions du Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies sur Gaza depuis octobre 2023 et ont imposé des sanctions à cinq juges et procureurs de la Cour pénale internationale en raison de mandats d’arrêt émis contre Nétanyahou et l’ancien ministre israélien de la Défense Yoav Gallant.

Minimiser la responsabilité

Les responsables américains utilisent depuis longtemps diverses stratégies rhétoriques pour prendre leurs distances par rapport aux atrocités commises par d’autres avec le soutien des États-Unis et pour minimiser leur contribution à ces actes.

Dans ce contexte, la reconnaissance par Trump d’une « vraie famine » à Gaza peut être considérée comme une diversion visant à détourner l’attention du soutien inchangé des États-Unis à Israël, alors que les conditions de famine à Gaza s’aggravent et que des Palestiniens sont tués en attendant de recevoir de la nourriture.

De l’ignorance feinte à la minimisation de la violence en passant par la louange de ses auteurs, les gouvernements et présidents américains ont, depuis longtemps, recours à une rhétorique trompeuse pour légitimer la violence des dirigeants et des pays qu’ils soutiennent.

Mais deux éléments sont nécessaires pour que ce discours continue de fonctionner : l’un est le langage employé par le gouvernement américain, l’autre est la crédulité et l’apathie du public.

The Conversation

Les auteurs ne travaillent pas, ne conseillent pas, ne possèdent pas de parts, ne reçoivent pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’ont déclaré aucune autre affiliation que leur organisme de recherche.

ref. Israël, Yémen, Guatemala, Timor oriental… Six stratégies utilisées par les États-Unis pour se distancier des atrocités commises par ceux qu’ils soutiennent – https://theconversation.com/israel-yemen-guatemala-timor-oriental-six-strategies-utilisees-par-les-etats-unis-pour-se-distancier-des-atrocites-commises-par-ceux-quils-soutiennent-262970

Running is a substance-free pleasure that supports addiction recovery

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Stephanie Bogue Kerr, Adjunct professor, L’Université d’Ottawa/University of Ottawa

Addiction is a widespread health issue that will affect about one in five Canadians over their lifetimes. For example, addiction to opioids has led to opioid and overdose crises in many cities, which has brought the social question of addiction to the forefront.

Treating addiction can be challenging, because different approaches work for different people. Some provinces are considering forced treatments, doubling down on approaches that have shown limited success.

As social work researchers in addiction and sport, we believe it is time to consider alternative approaches.

On the surface, overcoming addiction may appear as simple as choosing not to sip, smoke or snort a substance. However, it is more complex than that. Addiction is a relationship with a substance. Seen this way, recovery can be understood as a process of learning to move forward from the relationship, which requires living differently without it.

Research suggests exercise might help with recovery from addiction. It is a substance-free pleasure that might boost mood, and help alleviate cravings and mental health symptoms, which could protect against relapse. Even though there are running groups for people in recovery, particularly in the United States, most research has been done on treadmills in clinics during addiction treatment. This leaves many questions about how people use running in their recovery processes over time, who benefits, and why.

We adopted a research approach that we hoped would provide context. We wanted to understand how running helped people make the transition from using drugs or alcohol to a life without them. For example:

  • How did running experiences build up over time to the point where these came to replace drugs or alcohol?
  • How did sensations experienced by the person (heartbeat, breathing) and the environment (city noises, nature sounds) shape the relationship to running and to the body?
  • What was the importance of community, gear, goals, and races?

We ran with 11 people who had lived with addiction and had used running in their recovery, talking to them about their experiences. Participants were adults in their mid-30s to mid-50s, who self-identified as having been addicted to a substance and had been engaged in a recovery process for three or more years. Most identified alcohol as their main substance.

We conducted two running interviews with each person, in and around Metropolitan Vancouver, in places where they regularly ran.

Non-linear process

The results show that lives organized around drugs or alcohol were slowly organized by running.

At first, most participants were motivated by weight-loss goals, not recovery. They continued taking substances while they trained for races, sometimes having a quick drink before setting out on a long run.

As goals were met, runs became longer and faster. New challenges motivated structured training, better nutrition and sleep, and substance use slowly faded as life became increasingly organized around running.

Many policies and programs aim for abstinence, and it is not unusual for people to be kicked out of treatment because they relapsed, which is a known symptom of addiction. In running, participants found a way to ease into change, finding hope in glimpses of the life it offered. Their processes suggest abstinence was not necessary for running to have psychosocial benefits.

Community

Addiction often strains relationships with friends and family, so it can be a lonely experience. This is compounded by the stigma of addiction, which can make it difficult to access treatment. Alone with your thoughts, it is hard to imagine another life is possible. This is another complication of addiction. Soothing loneliness is an important part of recovery, but being with others can be very vulnerable when someone feels fragile.

In this study, the malleability of running was important. Since it can be practised alone or in groups, participants could pace their involvement with the run community. Through light conversations about running shoes, participants experimented and practised at building new friendships.

These discussions and relationships deepened over time through longer and longer runs. Most participants had become active members of the run community, participating not only in group training, but also taking on roles in race operations, volunteering and coaching.

Run groups are widely available and open to anyone with a will to run. Perhaps most importantly, they do not carry the stigma of addiction, but rather the social values associated with discipline and hard work.

Childhood sport

Interestingly, all participants had childhood experiences of sport that had been interrupted during adolescence or young adulthood.

Being in a state of addiction meant the participants’ physical sensations of their own bodies were preoccupied with the presence or absence of the substance. At times though, participants recalled the joy of movement that they had previously known and were motivated to find it again. This suggests that running may be a particularly effective intervention for those with childhood experiences of sport.

For participants of our study, recovery started from the body. The organizational structure that running provided, complete with tangible goals and a community to support their achievements, made it possible for participants to envision a new life before they chose to change their use of substances.

Running instilled within them hope for a better life, which they embraced with a resounding enthusiasm that echoed the cheers at the finish line.

The Conversation

Stephanie Bogue Kerr receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

Nicolas Moreau does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Running is a substance-free pleasure that supports addiction recovery – https://theconversation.com/running-is-a-substance-free-pleasure-that-supports-addiction-recovery-261918

Canada and the U.K.’s conditional recognition of Palestine reveal the uneven rules of statehood

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Catherine Frost, Professor of Political Science, McMaster University

Canada and the United Kingdom have said they will recognize Palestinian statehood during the United Nations General Assembly in September, provided certain conditions are met.

Canada’s position is premised on seeing political and military reform from the Palestinian Authority, the governing body responsible for the autonomous Palestinian territories.

The U.K., responding to a severe food crisis in Gaza, said it would extend recognition unless the Israeli government agrees to a ceasefire, takes steps to “end the appalling situation in Gaza” and commits to a “long-term, sustainable peace.”




Read more:
Why UK recognition of a Palestinian state should not be conditional on Israel’s actions


These cautious, conditional endorsements reflect the workings of a dated international system that governs the birth of states. France, by contrast, has opted to recognize Palestine without conditions. What explains these different approaches?

Officially, state recognition is governed by international law. In practice, it is subject to a complex mix of national, global and moral considerations.

This process grants existing states significant discretion in recognizing new ones, with the expectation that such decisions serve international peace. But this can result in an uneven statehood process for aspiring nations.

How states are born

The 1933 Montevideo Convention outlines the core criteria for statehood recognition: a permanent population, control over a defined territory, a functioning government and the capacity to open relations with other states.

When recognition is given on this basis, it is essentially acknowledging that these qualities are already in place. Yet these requirements are not iron clad, and some experts have argued that recognition can also be extended on humanitarian or moral grounds, such as in response to human rights violations.

In such cases, recognition becomes more of a statement that a state should have the opportunity to exist, rather than a confirmation that it already does. The classic case would be a group facing colonial domination. The American colonies appealed to this principle in the 1776 Declaration of Independence, for example.

Because individual states decide when such exceptions apply, these measures provide uncertain relief for aspiring nations.

As a final step, new states can apply for membership in the UN. This application is first considered by the UN Security Council. If nine states agree, and none of the council’s permanent members object, the application continues to the UN General Assembly for approval.

But a single veto from any of the five permanent members — China, France, Russia, the U.K. and the United States — can paralyze statehood at the start. In 2024, for example, the U.S. vetoed Palestine’s request for full UN membership.

Statehood in waiting

To date, 147 of 193 states in the United Nations recognize Palestinian statehood. Palestine has also had special observer status at the UN since 2012, and before that it had limited standing before international courts typically reserved for states.

But Palestine is not the only instance where the international system has struggled to address atypical or contested statehood.

After a wave of recognitions in post-colonial Africa and post-Second World War Europe, the recognition of new states slowed to a crawl toward the end of the 20th century. This trend suggests there is a conservative quality to the recognition system.

Wary of rewarding violent separatism, international bodies have traditionally favoured negotiated solutions for state birth, including upholding a parent-state veto over any independence efforts.

This principle was most clearly articulated by the Canadian Supreme Court in a 1998 advisory opinion. It warned that an independent Québec, without first agreeing on terms of exit with the rest of Canada, was unlikely to gain international recognition.

There is wisdom to this approach, but such rules cannot prevent political breakdown in every case. A growing number of unrecognized states have left millions stranded in political limbo.

This includes Somaliland, which split from Somalia in 1991 and has been operating as a de facto state ever since without receiving formal recognition from any other country.

Palestine is not an instance of state breakup, but rather an unresolved case of colonization and occupation. Decades of negotiations with Israel, the occupying power, have failed. Yet formal statehood has still proven elusive. A cumbersome recognition system may be helping to keep the problem alive.

Cracks in the system

Even when recognition occurs, the results can be disappointing.

South Sudan, the UN’s newest member, was universally recognized in 2011 under close UN supervision and with the consent of its parent state, Sudan. Yet it quickly descended into civil war — a conflict it has yet to fully emerged from.

Kosovo was recognized by states like the U.S. and Canada when it declared independence in 2008 following the breakup of Yugoslavia, but it still has fewer recognitions than Palestine.

A handful of states like Togo and Sierra Leone even began de-recognizing it under pressure from Kosovo’s one-time parent state, Serbia, although there is a broadly accepted principle that once a state is recognized, barring any complete disaster, it should remain recognized.

Meanwhile, rising sea levels threaten to leave some island states like Tuvalu without the territorial requirements for normal statehood. The International Court of Justice has signalled the statehood of such nations should survive, but has not said how.




Read more:
The Australia-Tuvalu deal shows why we need a global framework for climate relocations


These examples suggest the current state recognition system is ill equipped to face today’s changing world.

Allowing established states to set the rules for who qualifies is unlikely to solve these current problems. While setting special terms for new entrants may have value in the short term, the longer term need is for a more fair and transparent system.

Experts are working on ways to make the system more inclusive for aspiring states and unrepresented peoples, including by opening up access to diplomatic venues. If successful, these measures could change the way future states are born.

The Conversation

Catherine Frost receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

ref. Canada and the U.K.’s conditional recognition of Palestine reveal the uneven rules of statehood – https://theconversation.com/canada-and-the-u-k-s-conditional-recognition-of-palestine-reveal-the-uneven-rules-of-statehood-262418

Wealth taxes don’t always work the way governments hope they will. Here are some alternatives

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Miriam Marra, Associate Professor of Finance and co-Director of Equity, Diversity, and Inclusion at Henley Business School, University of Reading

RYO Alexandre/Shutterstock

With the UK government facing a multibillion pound gap between revenue and spending, calls for a wealth tax are becoming louder.

More than 30 top economists recently wrote to the chancellor of the exchequer, Rachel Reeves, saying the measure could raise billions of pounds. A recent poll of more than 4,000 UK adults found that 75% would back a 2% tax on wealth above £10 million.

Economic insecurity, rising living costs and the rapid pace of de-industrialisation have been identified as causes of unrest and a fraying society. Targeting taxes at the ultra-rich could have the power to redistribute wealth and raise revenue on a substantial scale.

But the reality of implementing it is far from simple. While the concept may be compelling, a wealth tax might not be easy to put into action – and may not even create the expected revenue.

This is reflected in figures from the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) that show wealth taxes are less common than they used to be. Of the 12 OECD countries that had a net wealth tax in 1990, just three have one now (Norway, Spain and Switzerland).

Taxing assets including savings, investments and property is harder than taxing income. It relies on very wealthy individuals self-declaring asset values and for all assets to be held under the same name. When it comes to properties, this is not always the case.

A lack of transparency and reliable data can then create a huge administrative burden and costs for the government imposing the tax.

After all, predicting the political and economic impact these taxes can have is difficult. A clear example is the UK government’s proposed change to inheritance tax rules for farmers.

This may be a well-intentioned policy aimed at a small number of ultra-wealthy individuals using farmland to avoid inheritance tax. But claims that it affects farming families who may not have high incomes but have cultivated their land for generations have sparked heated debate around the actual figure of farms affected.

Despite the potential difficulties in implementation, there are countries that have made a wealth tax work. In Norway, residents pay 1% tax on their global net worth above 1.76 million kroner (£130,000). But the calculations are far from simple – with caveats, exemptions and differentiated local rules.

For net wealth in excess of 20.7 million krone in 2023, the maximum wealth tax rate was increased to 1.1%. This led to some of Norway’s wealthiest people moving to countries with more favourable tax regulations.

Fortune reported that 82 Norwegians with a combined net wealth of about 46 billion kroner (£3.4 billion) left the country in 2022-2023, according to data from the country’s finance ministry.

What else might work?

Any solution must be focused on the ultra-rich “giving back”, reinvesting in the economy for the good of society, and shifting their mindset.

With the reality of a wealth tax proving difficult, here are some viable alternatives to raise revenues and social contributions from very wealthy individuals.

1. Revised tax on capital gains

An increase of capital gains taxation (tax levied on the profits made when someone sells an asset) may be needed. But while revisions are overdue – perhaps differentiating between wealth sources such as entrepreneurial effort, passive investment and speculative trading – this tax would rely on the ultra-rich selling their assets. Many buy by borrowing against them and avoid cashing them out, so wealth accumulates without being taxed.

A higher and more progressive tax on capital gains could be an initial solution to raise revenues. But if poorly designed, it may not be a long-term answer and could discourage some much-needed productive capital investments in the UK.

2. A fresh look at inheritance tax

Loopholes and exemptions allow some very wealthy families to slash their inheritance tax bills, in some cases allowing vast properties and assets to be passed on untouched.

exterior shot of a gated mansion in the uk countryside
Inheritance is the reason for a lot of the UK’s inequality.
Ovaiz/Shutterstock

Academic research shows how higher wealth inequality stems from inherited wealth. Unlike financial capital, inherited wealth does not often translate into investments and, as such, citizens generally favour taxing it. In 2024, the Institute for Fiscal Studies published suggestions on how to revise inheritance tax in the UK. Now is the time for wider consultation on this.

3. Incentivised philanthropy

The underlying premise of a wealth tax is to tackle social and economic inequality. Incentivised philanthropy could also provide a way to give a direct and impactful boost to those areas of society that need it most.

Rather than going straight into a government pot, investing wealth into specific initiatives that effect real change and give measurable outcomes could be an alternative solution. This could be, for instance, supporting education among deprived communities with scholarships, or paying for upgrades to local infrastructure.

Philanthropic initiatives can also be valuable to the wealthy individuals behind them in terms of reputational gains and publicity for their business.

The benefits and pitfalls of a wealth tax will continue being discussed in the run up to the budget in autumn. But it’s important not to lose sight of the end goal – reducing inequality.

It is time for the wealthiest to recognise that their fortunes sit in a country where poverty is real and increasing. They could drive a rebalancing that does not feel punitive, but ethical.

The Conversation

Miriam Marra does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Wealth taxes don’t always work the way governments hope they will. Here are some alternatives – https://theconversation.com/wealth-taxes-dont-always-work-the-way-governments-hope-they-will-here-are-some-alternatives-262387

How a Japanese museum project is passing on the testimony of the last atomic bomb survivors

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Lauren Anne Constance, PhD Candidate, School of Modern Languages, Cardiff University

Known as hibakusha in Japan, the survivors of the 1945 atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki are the only people in the world with firsthand experience of the horrors of nuclear warfare. Now, 80 years later, they are passing their memories to the next generation through a project designed to carry on their legacy of anti-nuclear activism.

In 2024, Nihon Hidankyo, the Japan Confederation of A- and H-Bomb Sufferers Organisations, was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize “for demonstrating through witness testimony that nuclear weapons must never be used again”.

This official recognition of the power of hibakusha testimony to generate opposition to nuclear weapons shows how important the survivors and their testimonies are in fostering a culture of remembrance and peace.

This year, the number of registered atomic bomb survivors fell below 100,000 for the first time. The Hiroshima city government, aware that soon there would be no more survivors, started the A-bomb Legacy Successor Programme in 2012 to train volunteers to inherit and pass on the testimonies of survivors.

Volunteers undergo two years of training at the Hiroshima Peace Memorial Museum. They study the historical realities of the bombing and develop public speaking skills, and each works closely with a survivor to create a presentation based on their personal testimony.

To graduate, successors must have their script fact-checked by the museum. They must also present it to the survivor to earn permission to speak on their behalf. Once certified, successors are commissioned by the Hiroshima Peace Culture Foundation to give lectures at the museum, and are invited to speak in schools and communities across Japan.

But the programme raises an important question: can such deeply personal, traumatic memories truly be passed on to someone who did not live through them?

A different kind of testimony

As someone who researches memorialisation in Japanese museums, this question became clear to me during fieldwork in Hiroshima, where I observed how successor stories are told.

While typical survivor testimonies are deeply personal and often last for an hour, “successor lectures” are more distant in tone. They are told in the third person, with only 15-20 minutes devoted to the specific story of the survivor whose testimony the successor has inherited.

Successor lectures must begin with an explanation of historical context surrounding the Hiroshima bombing, including background on the Pacific war, the development of nuclear weapons, and the short- and long-term impact of the bomb. The museum emphasises the importance of teaching visitors the reality of the bombing through scientifically grounded, objective knowledge.




Read more:
‘They died with stones in their mouths’: Hiroshima’s last survivors tell their stories


To that end, the museum instructs successors to avoid metaphorical descriptions that may mislead audiences. As successor Yumie Hirano explained in an interview with the Hiroshima Inheritance Exhibition Project, certain powerful phrases that survivors use must be carefully considered when retold:

If a survivor says ‘I saw a woman melting by heat rays just in front of me’, that is correct as his/her memory. However, it is scientifically impossible for a human body to melt by heat rays in a few seconds. [So] an A-bomb legacy successor … has to avoid the expressions like ‘melting’.

This highlights a core tension at the heart of the programme: the need to honour survivors’ memories while maintaining historical and scientific accuracy. It is a delicate balance between emotional truth and objective fact.

The presence and power of survivors

Traditionally, bearing witness has been seen as the role of the survivor, whose authority comes from their own personal experience. The Legacy Successor Programme challenges that idea, entrusting the responsibility of testimony to those without direct connection to the event.

But part of what makes survivor testimony so powerful is the presence of the survivor. The emotional impact of seeing and hearing from someone who lived through the bombing may be difficult to replicate in successor talks – and this may explain the difference in audience engagement.

In 2023, survivors delivered 1,578 lectures to more than 110,000 people. In the same year, successors gave 1,379 lectures – but to a total audience of 14,575. Only eight people were present at the successor lecture I attended, in a room with capacity for 45.




Read more:
‘Then the city started to burn, the fires were chasing me’ – 80 years on, Hiroshima survivors describe how the atomic blast echoed down generations


Interestingly, these lectures appear to be more popular with international audiences. The museum also offers successor talks in English, and these make up 35% of its total successor lecture attendance.

As the number of survivors declines, new questions arise about the future of the Legacy Successor Programme. Who will approve lecture content once no survivors remain? Will descendants of the hibakusha take over this role? Or will the Hiroshima Peace Memorial Museum assume that responsibility? How these decisions are made will shape how Hiroshima’s story is remembered and shared with the world.

What is clear is that as living memory of the atomic bombing fades, efforts to preserve and communicate that memory are more important than ever – as nuclear weapons, and the associated global tensions, proliferate. In the absence of survivors, the question is not just what we remember, but who gets to do the remembering, and how.


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The Conversation

Lauren Anne Constance receives funding from The Great Britain Sasakawa Foundation, the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science and the Japan Foundation Endowment Committee.

ref. How a Japanese museum project is passing on the testimony of the last atomic bomb survivors – https://theconversation.com/how-a-japanese-museum-project-is-passing-on-the-testimony-of-the-last-atomic-bomb-survivors-262883

Condoms, PrEP and vaccines: how the UK is expanding STI prevention

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Kevin O’Malley, Clinical Tutor, School of Medicine, University of Limerick

New Africa/Shutterstock

The UK has just introduced the world’s first national programme offering a vaccine to help protect against gonorrhoea. This coincides with increasing rates of sexually transmitted infections (STIs) including antibiotic-resistant strains of Neisseria gonorrhoeae, particularly among gay, bisexual and other men who have sex with men.

The vaccine being offered was not originally designed for gonorrhoea. It is the meningococcal B (MenB) vaccine, developed to protect against Neisseria meningitidis – the bacteria which cause meningitis.

These two bacteria are closely related and share several similar surface proteins. As a result, the immune response generated by the MenB vaccine also offers provides partial protection against gonorrhoea.

While the vaccine is not 100% effective, studies suggest it can reduce the risk of infection by a third. Given the emergence of antibiotic-resistant “super gonorrhoea” this is a valuable addition to our sexual health toolkit.

Condoms are the mainstay of STI prevention, and have been for decades. They are inexpensive, easy to use and remain the only single method that protects against both HIV and most other STIs.

Despite their effectiveness, many people do not use condoms every time they have sex. Some find they reduce sensation or pleasure; others see condomless sex as a sign of trust in a relationship. Condoms might not be on hand when sex is spontaneous, while alcohol and drug use may lower inhibitions and increase impulsivity.

Since the introduction of HIV pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP) attitudes have also shifted. Some people now perceive other STIs as inconvenient but easily treated, particularly younger generations whose school-based sex education may have focused more on pregnancy prevention than on STI transmission.

But “condomless sex” need not mean “entirely unprotected” sex. In addition to condoms, biomedical advances are giving us more ways to prevent infection – many of which rely on acting before particular bacteria or viruses take hold. In public health, two of the most effective examples of this are vaccination and prophylaxis (treatment given or action taken to prevent disease).

Vaccination

Vaccines work by training the immune system to recognise and fight specific infections. They do this by introducing harmless fragments of a virus or bacterium, which prompt the body to produce antibodies and memory cells. If the body later encounters the real pathogen, the immune system can react rapidly and in a much more targeted way, preventing illness entirely or at least reducing its severity.

Vaccination already plays an important role in sexual health. Alongside the newly introduced gonorrhoea vaccine, the HPV (human papillomavirus) vaccine protects against genital warts and reduces the risk of several cancers, including cervical and anal cancer. Hepatitis A and B vaccines defend against viruses that can cause serious, and sometimes life-threatening, liver disease. The mpox vaccine is also available for people considered at higher risk.

These vaccines represent a useful preventative tool in the modern sexual health toolkit – complementing condoms, antiviral prophylaxis and other preventive strategies to give people another layer of protection.

Prophylaxis

In sexual health, one of the clearest examples of prevention in action is HIV prophylaxis. Pre-Exposure Prophylaxis (PrEP) involves taking antiviral medication so that, if exposure to the HIV virus occurs, it cannot establish an infection. Some people take PrEP daily, while others use an “on demand” regimen around the time they have sex. Under the guidance of a sexual health professional, PrEP is a safe and highly effective option for preventing HIV infection.

Post-Exposure Porphylaxis (PEP) works in a similar way but is taken after a possible exposure. It’s an emergency option: a month-long course of antiviral medication that should be started as soon as possible (and no later than 72 hours after sex) to be effective.

Researchers are now exploring similar approaches for bacterial STIs. One promising example is DoxyPEP, where a single dose of the antibiotic doxycycline is taken after condomless sex. Early evidence shows it can significantly reduce the risk of syphilis and chlamydia, and to a lesser extent, gonorrhoea.

Why condoms still matter

These biomedical tools are changing the sexual health landscape. While there is no substitute for the comprehensive protection that condoms offer, more options mean greater control.

As threats continue to evolve, so too must our strategies to address them. The introduction of the gonorrhoea vaccination programme – the first of its kind – is a powerful example of innovation in practice. It demonstrates how progress can be achieved not only through new discoveries, but in finding new uses for existing tools.

The Conversation

Kevin O’Malley does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Condoms, PrEP and vaccines: how the UK is expanding STI prevention – https://theconversation.com/condoms-prep-and-vaccines-how-the-uk-is-expanding-sti-prevention-262770