Reverse discrimination? In spite of the MAGA bluster over DEI, data shows white Americans are still advantaged

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Fred L. Pincus, Emeritus Professor of Sociology, University of Maryland, Baltimore County

There’s no evidence of widespread racial discrimination against white people. Sebastian Gorczowski/iStock/Getty Images Plus

Two big assumptions underlie President Donald Trump’s attack on diversity, equity and inclusion policies. The first is that discrimination against people of color is a thing of the past. The second is that DEI policies and practices discriminate against white people – especially white men – in what’s sometimes called “reverse discrimination.”

I’m a sociologist who’s spent decades studying race and inequality, and when I read the documents and statements coming out of the Trump White House, these assumptions jump out at me again and again – usually implicitly, but always there.

The problem is that the evidence doesn’t back these assumptions up.

For one thing, if discrimination against white Americans were widespread, you might expect large numbers to report being treated unfairly. But polling data shows otherwise. A 2025 Pew survey found that 70% of white Americans think Black people face “some” or “a lot” of discrimination in general, and roughly two-thirds say the same of Asian and Hispanic people. Meanwhile, only 45% of white Americans believe that white people in general experience that degree of discrimination.

In other words, white Americans believe that people of color, as a group, face more discrimination than white people do. People of color agree – and so do Americans overall.

In a second national study, using data collected in 2023, Americans were asked if they had personally experienced discrimination within the past year. Thirty-eight percent of white people said they had, compared to 54% of Black Americans, 50% of Latinos and 42% of Asian Americans. In other words, white Americans are much less likely to say that they’ve been discriminated against than people of color.

The ‘hard’ numbers show persistent privilege

These statistics are sometimes called “soft” data because they reflect people’s perceptions rather than verified incidents. To broaden the picture, it’s worth looking at “hard” data on measures like income, education and employment outcomes. These indicators also suggest that white Americans as a group are advantaged relative to people of color.

For example, federal agencies have documented racial disparities in income for decades, with white Americans, as a group, generally outearning Black and Latino Americans. This is true even when you control for education. When the Census Bureau looked at median annual earnings for Americans between 25 and 64 with at least a bachelor’s degree, it found that Black Americans received only 81% of what comparably educated white Americans earned, while Latinos earned only 80%. Asian Americans, on the other hand, earned 119% of what white people earned.

These gaps persist even when you hold college major constant. In the highest-paying major, electrical engineering, Black Americans earned only 71% of what white people did, while Latinos earned just 73%. Asian Americans, in contrast, earned 104% of what white people earned. In the lowest-paid major, family and consumer sciences, African Americans earned 97% of what white people did, and Latinos earned 94%. Asian Americans earned 117% of what white people earned. The same general pattern of white income advantage existed in all majors with two exceptions: Black people earned more in elementary education and nursing.

Remember, this is comparing individuals with a bachelor’s degree or higher to people with the same college major. Again, white Americans are still advantaged in most career paths over Black Americans and Latinos.

Disparities persist in the job market

Unemployment data show similar patterns. The July 2025 figures for workers at all education levels show that Black people were 1.9 times more likely to be unemployed than white Americans. Latinos were 1.4 times more likely to be unemployed, and Asian Americans, 1.1 times.

This same white advantage still occurs when looking only at workers who have earned a bachelor’s degree or more. Black Americans who have earned bachelor’s degrees or higher were 1.3 times more likely to be unemployed than similarly educated white Americans as of 2021, the last year for which data is available. Latinos with college degrees were 1.4 times more likely to be unemployed than similar white Americans. The white advantage was even higher for those with only a high school degree or less. Unfortunately, data for Asian Americans weren’t available.

In another study, researchers sent 80,000 fake resumes in response to 10,000 job listings posted by 97 of the largest employers in the country. The credentials on the resumes were essentially the same, but the names signaled race: Some had Black-sounding names, like Lakisha or Leroy, while others had more “white-sounding” names like Todd or Allison. This method is known as an “audit study.”

This research, which was conducted between 2019 and 2021, found that employers were 9.5% more likely to contact the Todds and Allisons than the Lakishas and Leroys within 30 days of receiving a resume. Of the 28 audit studies that have been conducted since 1989, each one showed that applicants with Black- or Latino-sounding names were less likely to be contacted that those with white-sounding or racially neutral names.

Finally, a 2025 study analyzed 600,000 letters of recommendation for college-bound students who used the Common App form during the 2018-19 and 2019-20 academic years. Only students who applied to at least one selective college were included. The study found that letters for Black and Latino students were shorter and said less about their intellectual promise.

Similarly, letters in support of first-generation students – that is, whose parents hadn’t graduated from a four-year college, and who are disproportionately likely to be Black and Latino – had fewer sentences dedicated to their scientific, athletic and artistic abilities, or their overall academic potential.

These and other studies don’t provide evidence of massive anti-white discrimination. Although scattered cases of white people being discriminated against undoubtedly exist, the data suggest that white people are still advantaged relative to non-Asian people of color. White Americans may be less advantaged than they were, but they’re still advantaged.

While it’s true that many working-class white Americans are having a tough time in the current economy, it’s not because of their race. It’s because of their class. It’s because of automation and overseas outsourcing taking away good jobs. It’s because of high health care costs and cuts in the safety nets.

In other words, while many working-class white people are struggling now, there’s little evidence race is the problem.

The Conversation

Fred L. Pincus does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Reverse discrimination? In spite of the MAGA bluster over DEI, data shows white Americans are still advantaged – https://theconversation.com/reverse-discrimination-in-spite-of-the-maga-bluster-over-dei-data-shows-white-americans-are-still-advantaged-262394

Massacre de l’armée coloniale au Niger : derrière le mea culpa de Macron, la continuité d’un récit historique biaisé

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Frank Gerits, Research Fellow at the University of the Free State, South Africa and Assistant Professor in the History of International Relations, Utrecht University

Le 19 juin 2025, le représentant permanent de la France auprès des Nations unies a reconnu que Paris était ouvert au dialogue avec le Niger et prêt à collaborer avec des chercheurs spécialisés afin de mettre en place une coopération patrimoniale permettant la restitution au Niger des objets culturels volés.

Comme le concluait déjà le rapport Sarr-Savoy (du nom de ses auteurs Bénédicte Savoy et Felwine Sarr) de 2018, de nombreux objets volés ont probablement intégré des collections privées sans provenance, ou ont été considérés comme des objets ethnographiques génériques plutôt que comme des pièces de musée de grande valeur. Il est donc nécessaire de mener une enquête sur leur provenance avant même d’envisager leur restitution.

Cette lettre faisait suite à une plainte déposée par quatre communautés nigériennes représentant les descendants des victimes de la mission Voulet-Chanoine de 1899. Cette mission avait été mise en place pour unifier l’Afrique occidentale française face à une concurrence impériale accrue avec la Grande-Bretagne.

Le commandement était assuré par le capitaine Paul Voulet et son adjudant, le lieutenant Julien Chanoine, deux militaires déjà réputés pour leur violence. Mal préparée et dotée d’instructions vagues de la part de Paris, la mission a rapidement sombré dans le chaos, les soldats mourant de dysenterie tout en pillant et massacrant des milliers de personnes.

Les grandes villes du Niger actuel, dirigées par des souverains locaux à la stature quasi mythique, ont été réduites en cendres : Lougou, où la cheffe Sarraounia Mangou a résisté à l’assaut, et Zinder, la capitale du sultanat de Damagaram. La domination coloniale française a ainsi détruit les centres du pouvoir culturel et diplomatique du Niger actuel.

À l’époque, la nouvelle des atrocités est même parvenue jusqu’au ministère des Colonies à Paris, qui a ordonné au gouverneur de Tombouctou, Jean-François Klobb, de prendre le commandement de l’expédition. Après l’assassinat de Klobb par Voulet lors d’une confrontation, ce dernier déclara qu’il n’était plus français et qu’il voulait devenir chef africain. Cette décision provoqua une mutinerie parmi ses propres soldats qui, après un nouveau chaos, l’assassinèrent à leur tour.

Réparations

Les appels à des réparations se sont amplifiés au Niger et dans toute l’Afrique depuis que l’Union africaine a déclaré 2025 Année des réparations. Elle a également encouragé une définition plus large de ce qui constitue une injustice coloniale, afin d’y inclure la justice climatique et la justice économique.

Une série de coups d’État en Afrique de l’Ouest a également renforcé les sentiments anti-français. Elle a accéléré la politique de décolonisation d’Emmanuel Macron, dans laquelle la France reconnaît les atrocités coloniales. Dans le même temps, Paris maintient le discours selon lequel elle a accompli du bon travail.

Lors d’une visite en Algérie en 2022, Macron a exprimé ses regrets pour les atrocités commises pendant la guerre d’indépendance algérienne. Il a également visité le cimetière où sont enterrés les pieds-noirs français – Européens installés en Algérie pendant la période coloniale (1830-1962) –, soulignant l’idée que tous deux étaient victimes à leur manière.

Au Cameroun, après un rapport d’une commission franco-camerounaise d’histoire présidée par Karine Ramondy, Macron a reconnu que la France avait mené une guerre qui s’était poursuivie même après l’indépendance. Même si le cinéaste camerounais Jean Pierre Bekolo a raison de souligner que les conclusions du rapport n’ont rien de nouveau, puisqu’elles confirment des idées plus anciennes tirées d’ouvrages tels que Kamerun !, la reconnaissance officielle du néocolonialisme est nouvelle et quelque peu surprenante. Cette reconnaissance par Macron de ce qui était euphémiquement appelé « pacification » a été possible car elle jette le discrédit sur le prédécesseur et rival politique de Paul Biya, Ahmadou Ahidjo. La reconnaissance officielle de ce que les historiens savent depuis longtemps se fait donc au détriment des vérités historiques au Cameroun même, où la politique mémorielle a cherché à servir le parti au pouvoir.

Au Bénin, les trésors royaux d’Abomey ont été restitués. En exprimant des regrets pour des cas historiques spécifiques, la France ne reconnaît pas la nature structurelle de la violence coloniale, et donc sa pleine responsabilité.

Dans tous ces cas, la notion de mission civilisatrice est maintenue par les autorités françaises : si les gens du passé ont été mal avisés, ils avaient de bonnes intentions. Certains individus ont toutefois parfois abusé de leur pouvoir.

Conflit entre les mémoires nationales

Cette conception individualisée du colonialisme est particulièrement prononcée dans le cas du Niger. Des rumeurs sur la nature diabolique de Voulet et Chanoine circulaient déjà à Paris au moment même de la mission. La presse française s’est emportée contre la prétendue folie de Voulet, qui aurait perdu la raison sous la chaleur de l’Afrique occidentale.

Ces histoires ont exploité le cliché populaire de l’aventurier impérialiste fou. Le roman de l’écrivain britannique Joseph Conrad, Au cœur des ténèbres, publié en 1899, raconte l’histoire d’un marchand d’ivoire nommé Kurtz qui devient fou à cause de son séjour dans l’État libre du Congo. En 1943, le roman existentialiste du Français Albert Camus, L’Étranger dépeint la vie d’un homme dépourvu de tout sentiment qui tue un Algérien.

Il n’est donc pas surprenant qu’en 1976, l’écrivain français Jacques-Francis Rolland ait dépeint Paul Voulet comme un sadique dans son ouvrage Le Grand Capitaine. Le titre du film de Serge Moati, Capitaines des ténèbres sorti en 2005 et basé sur le roman, fait même écho au livre de Conrad. Ainsi, les atrocités ne sont pas considérées en France comme le résultat d’un système colonial qui encourageait ce type de comportement, mais comme le résultat d’une dépression psychologique individuelle.

Au Niger, cependant, cette mission est considérée comme un tournant dans l’histoire de l’exploitation coloniale. Hosseini Tahirou Amadou, professeur d’histoire et de géographie à Dioundiou, a peut-être lancé sa campagne menée en 2014 pour obtenir des excuses et une réparation de la part de l’État français pour les violences commises au Niger. Mais il s’est inspiré d’une production culturelle qui explorait les effets à long terme de la violence coloniale et de la destruction culturelle en cours.

En 1980, l’écrivain nigérien Abdoulaye Mamani a publié Sarraounia (1980), un roman historique qui raconte l’histoire d’une puissante reine haoussa qui résiste à l’invasion coloniale française au Niger. Mêlant tradition orale et critique politique, il dépeint Sarraounia comme un symbole de la force et de la défiance indigènes. Ce roman, qui est une pierre angulaire de la littérature nigérienne et de la littérature anticolonialiste, a été adapté au cinéma en 1986 par Med Hondo.

La stratégie de la France consistant à privilégier le dialogue sans assumer de responsabilité n’est donc pas tant l’expression d’une volonté délibérée d’esquive que le résultat d’un manque de compréhension. Le fait que Paris agisse sur cette question est une conséquence de la décision de la junte au pouvoir au Niger d’annoncer son intention de nationaliser la Société des mines de l’Aïr (Somair), filiale de la société française d’uranium Orano.

Une nouvelle alliance avec l’Afrique de l’Ouest

Au cours de la dernière décennie, le Niger a fourni à la France 20 % de son approvisionnement en uranium. Mais en 2022, le Niger était devenu un fournisseur secondaire, ne représentant plus que 2 % de la production mondiale.

Pourtant, la nationalisation est un autre symbole de la défaite de l’influence déclinante de la France en Afrique. Depuis juillet 2023, le général Abdourahamane Tchiani s’efforce de faire partir l’armée française tout en menaçant les entreprises françaises de nationalisation afin de lutter contre ce qu’il qualifie d’influence néocoloniale.

La discussion autour de Voulet-Chanoine doit donc être comprise comme un moyen, certes cynique, de garder la porte ouverte au Niger, d’autant plus que ce dernier s’est également retiré de l’Organisation internationale de la francophonie, l’un des symboles du pouvoir culturel français. Ce dialogue s’inscrit dans la stratégie globale de Macron, qui consiste à exprimer des remords pour le passé colonial. Il vise à construire de nouvelles alliances en Afrique de l’Ouest pour remplacer la perte d’influence dans une région secouée par des coups d’État.

Il semble peu probable que les relations entre les deux pays puissent s’améliorer sans reconnaître que les raids au Niger faisaient partie d’une stratégie impérialiste délibérée. Comme l’ont indiqué des militants nigériens lors d’un séminaire en 2021, en présence de Fabian Salvioli, rapporteur spécial des Nations unies sur la vérité, la justice et la réparation, le point de départ de la réconciliation devrait être des excuses publiques et une enquête approfondie de la part des autorités françaises.

Il n’existe aucun monument ni commémoration pour les vies africaines qui ont été perdues. Pourtant, la tombe de Voulet est toujours entretenue à Maïjirgui, au Niger, et le monument dédié à Klobb se trouve toujours à Tessaoua.

Une expression matérielle de regret sous la forme d’un monument dédié aux vies africaines perdues pourrait, à cet égard, être un bon point de départ.

The Conversation

Frank Gerits does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Massacre de l’armée coloniale au Niger : derrière le mea culpa de Macron, la continuité d’un récit historique biaisé – https://theconversation.com/massacre-de-larmee-coloniale-au-niger-derriere-le-mea-culpa-de-macron-la-continuite-dun-recit-historique-biaise-262297

Mécanismes scientifiques de la famine : voici ce qui arrive à votre corps lorsqu’il est privé de nourriture

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Ola Anabtawi, Assistant Professor – Department of Nutrition and Food Technology, An-Najah National University

La faim se manifeste sous différentes formes et évolue par étapes. Tout commence par l’insécurité alimentaire, quand on est obligé de s’adapter en réduisant le nombre de repas. À mesure que la nourriture se fait rare, le corps puise dans ses propres réserves. Le passage de la faim à la famine s’amorce par une baisse du niveau d’énergie, puis l’organisme brûle ses graisses avant d’attaquer les muscles. En phase terminale, les organes vitaux cessent de fonctionner.

De la sous-alimentation à la malnutrition aiguë, puis à la famine, le corps finit par ne plus pouvoir maintenir la vie. À Gaza aujourd’hui, des milliers d’enfants de moins de cinq ans et de femmes enceintes ou allaitantes souffrent de malnutrition aiguë. Au Soudan, les conflits et les restrictions à l’accès humanitaire ont poussé des millions de personnes au bord de la famine. Les alertes à la famine se font de plus en plus pressantes chaque jour.

Nous avons demandé aux nutritionnistes Ola Anabtawi et Berta Valente d’expliquer les mécanismes scientifiques de la famine et ce qui se passe dans le corps lorsqu’il est privé de nourriture.

Quelle est la quantité minimale de nutriments dont le corps a besoin pour survivre ?

Pour survivre, il ne suffit pas d’avoir de l’eau potable et d’être en sécurité. L’accès à une alimentation qui couvre les besoins quotidiens en énergie, en macronutriments et en micronutriments est essentiel pour rester en bonne santé, favoriser la récupération et prévenir la malnutrition.

Selon l’Organisation mondiale de la santé (OMS), les adultes ont des besoins énergétiques différents selon leur âge, leur sexe et leur niveau d’activité physique. Une kilocalorie (kcal) est une unité de mesure de l’énergie. En nutrition, elle indique la quantité d’énergie qu’une personne tire de son alimentation ou la quantité d’énergie dont le corps a besoin pour fonctionner. Techniquement, une kilocalorie représente l’énergie nécessaire pour augmenter d’un degré Celsius la température d’un litre d’eau. Notre corps utilise cette énergie pour respirer, digérer, maintenir sa température et, chez les enfants, grandir.

Les besoins énergétiques totaux proviennent de trois sources :

  • la dépense énergétique au repos : l’énergie utilisée au repos pour maintenir les fonctions vitales (respiration, circulation sanguine).

  • l’activité physique : varie en cas d’urgence en fonction de facteurs tels que les déplacements, les soins prodigués ou les tâches de survie

  • la thermogenèse : l’énergie pour digérer et transformer les aliments.

La dépense énergétique au repos représente généralement la plus grande partie des besoins énergétiques, en particulier lorsque l’activité physique est limitée. D’autres facteurs comme l’âge, le sexe, la taille, l’état de santé, la grossesse ou un environnement froid influencent également ces besoins.

Les besoins énergétiques varient tout au long de la vie. Les nourrissons ont besoin environ 95 kcal à 108 kcal par kilogramme de poids corporel par jour pendant les six premiers mois et entre 84 kcal et 98 kcal par kilogramme de six à douze mois. Pour les enfants de moins de dix ans, les besoins énergétiques sont basés sur des modèles de croissance normale, sans distinction entre les garçons et les filles.

Un enfant de deux ans a besoin d’environ 1 000 à 1 200 kcal par jour, un enfant de cinq ans de 1 300 à 1 500 kcal, et un enfant de dix ans de 1 800 à 2 000 kcal. À partir de dix ans, les besoins commencent à différer entre filles et garçons en raison des variations de croissance et d’activité. Et les apports sont ajustés en fonction du poids, de l’activité et du rythme de croissance.

Chez les adultes ayant une activité légère à modérée, les besoins quotidiens moyens sont d’environ 2 900 kcal pour les hommes âgés de 19 à 50 ans et de 2 200 kcal pour les femmes du même âge. Ces valeurs peuvent varier de plus ou moins 20 % selon le métabolisme et l’activité. Après 50 ans, les besoins diminuent légèrement, avec environ 2 300 kcal pour les hommes et 1 900 kcal pour les femmes.

Dans les situations d’urgence humanitaire, l’aide alimentaire doit garantir l’apport énergétique minimum largement accepté de 2 100 kcal par personne et par jour. Ce niveau vise à satisfaire les besoins physiologiques fondamentaux et à prévenir la malnutrition lorsque l’approvisionnement alimentaire est limité.

Cette énergie doit provenir d’un apport équilibré en macronutriments, les glucides représentant 50 à 60 % (comme le riz ou le pain), les protéines 10 à 35 % (comme les haricots ou la viande maigre) et les lipides 20 à 35 % (par exemple, l’huile de cuisson ou les noix). Les besoins en lipides sont plus élevés chez les jeunes enfants (30 à 40 %), ainsi que chez les femmes enceintes et allaitantes (au moins 20 %).

En plus de l’énergie, le corps a besoin de vitamines et de minéraux, tels que le fer, la vitamine A, l’iode et le zinc, qui sont essentiels au fonctionnement du système immunitaire, à la croissance et au développement du cerveau. Le fer se trouve dans des aliments tels que la viande rouge, les légumineuses et les céréales enrichies. La vitamine A provient des carottes, des patates douces et des légumes verts à feuilles foncées. L’iode est généralement obtenu à partir du sel iodé et des fruits de mer. Le zinc est présent dans la viande, les noix et les céréales complètes.

Lorsque les systèmes alimentaires s’effondrent, cet équilibre est rompu.

Que se passe-t-il physiquement lorsque votre corps est affamé ?

Lorsqu’on est privé de nourriture, le corps réagit en trois grandes étapes, qui se chevauchent. Chacune reflète les efforts du corps pour survivre sans nourriture. Mais ces adaptations ont un coût physiologique élevé.

Au cours de la première phase, dans les 48 heures suivant l’arrêt de l’alimentation, le corps utilise le glycogène stocké dans le foie pour maintenir un taux de sucre stable dans le sang. C’est la glycogénolyse. Mais cette réserve s’épuise vite.

Le corps passe alors à la gluconéogenèse. Il fabrique alors du glucose à partir d’autres sources : acides aminés issus des muscles, graisses, lactate. Ce processus nourrit les organes vitaux mais détruit peu à peu la masse musculaire et augmente la perte d’azote, en particulier au niveau des muscles squelettiques.

Dès le troisième jour, la cétogenèse devient le mode de survie dominant. En l’occurrence, le foie transforme les graisses en corps cétoniques, une autre source d’énergie pour le cerveau et les organes. Ce changement permet de préserver les tissus musculaires, mais révèle une crise métabolique plus grave.

Les changements hormonaux, notamment la diminution de l’insuline, de l’hormone thyroïdienne (T3) et de l’activité du système nerveux, ralentissent le métabolisme afin d’économiser l’énergie.
Quand les graisses sont épuisées, le corps attaque ses propres protéines pour survivre. Les muscles fondent, l’immunité chute, le risque d’infections mortelles augmente.

Le système immunitaire s’affaiblit, augmentant le risque d’infections graves, comme la pneumonie. La mort survient souvent après 60 à 70 jours sans nourriture.

À mesure que le corps entre dans une privation prolongée de nutriments, les signes visibles et invisibles de la famine s’intensifient. Sur le plan physique, on observe une perte de poids extrême, une fonte musculaire, une grande fatigue, un rythme cardiaque ralenti, une peau sèche, une chute de cheveux et des plaies qui cicatrisent mal.Le système immunitaire s’effondre et la pneumonie est une cause fréquente de décès.

Sur le plan psychologique, la famine provoque une profonde détresse. Les personnes touchées font état d’apathie, d’irritabilité, d’anxiété et d’une préoccupation constante pour la nourriture. Les capacités cognitives déclinent et la régulation émotionnelle se détériore, conduisant parfois à la dépression ou au repli sur soi.

Chez les enfants, la famine entraîne des effets à long terme, un retard de croissance et des troubles cérébraux parfois irréversibles.

La faim détruit aussi le tissu social. Les familles s’épuisent, les communautés se disloquent. Dans des crises comme à Gaza ou au Soudan, la famine aggrave le traumatisme causé par la violence et les déplacements, entraînant un effondrement total de la résilience sociale et biologique.

Comment briser ce cycle ?

Après une période de famine, le corps se trouve dans un état métabolique fragile. La réintroduction soudaine d’aliments, en particulier de glucides, provoque un pic d’insuline et un transfert rapide d’électrolytes tels que le phosphate, le potassium et le magnésium vers les cellules. Cela peut submerger l’organisme et entraîner ce que l’on appelle le syndrome de réalimentation, qui peut entraîner des complications graves telles qu’une insuffisance cardiaque, une détresse respiratoire, voire la mort si elle n’est pas prise en charge avec soin.

Le traitement standard commence par l’administration d’ un lait thérapeutique appelé F-75, spécialement conçu pour stabiliser les patients pendant la phase initiale de la prise en charge de la malnutrition aiguë sévère. Elle est suivie d’aliments thérapeutiques prêts à l’emploi, d’une pâte ou d’un biscuit souvent à base de pâte de cacahuète enrichie. En 4 à 8 semaines, un enfant sévèrement malnutri peut retrouver un état normal. On ajoute aussi des sels de réhydratation et des compléments en vitamines et minéraux.

L’aide doit être acheminée en sécurité. Les largages aériens ne suffisent pas. La survie nécessite des efforts soutenus et coordonnés pour rétablir les systèmes alimentaires, protéger les civils et faire respecter le droit humanitaire. Sans cela, le risque est grand de voir se répéter les cycles de famine et de souffrance.

Lorsque l’aide alimentaire est insuffisante en qualité ou en quantité, ou lorsque l’eau potable n’est pas disponible, la malnutrition s’aggrave rapidement.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Mécanismes scientifiques de la famine : voici ce qui arrive à votre corps lorsqu’il est privé de nourriture – https://theconversation.com/mecanismes-scientifiques-de-la-famine-voici-ce-qui-arrive-a-votre-corps-lorsquil-est-prive-de-nourriture-263207

Teenagers are choosing to study Stem subjects – it’s a sign of the times

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Mike Watts, Professor of Education, Brunel University of London

SpeedKingz/Shutterstock

A-level results in 2025 show the increasing popularity of Stem (science, technology, engineering and maths) among students. For students taking three A-levels – the majority – the most popular combination of subjects was biology, chemistry and maths.

The subject with the greatest rise in entries from 2024 is further maths, followed by economics, maths, physics and chemistry. Maths remains the most popular subject, with entries making up 12.7% of all A-level entries.

Conversely, subjects such as French, drama, history and English literature are falling in exam entry numbers.

There is considerable incentive for young people who may be looking beyond school and university to the job market to study Stem. Research has found that Stem undergraduate degrees bring higher financial benefits to people and to the public purse than non-Stem subjects.

Many of the world’s fastest-growing jobs need Stem skills. These include data analysts, AI specialists, renewable energy engineers, app developers, cybersecurity experts and financial technology experts.

Within Stem itself, science alone is a broad church that spans astronomy to zoology and all letters of the alphabet between. Add to this the many variations of technology, engineering and maths and the range of subjects and specialisms is enormous.

It might come as no surprise, then, that young people have considerable scope in the possible careers and employment they might follow in life. From accountancy to the environment, medical engineering to computer technology, etymology to vulcanology, the possibilities are vast. There is little doubt that this very broad arena is attractive as possible employment.

Group of students in science class
Young people are choosing to study science, technology, engineering and maths.
Rawpixel.com/Shutterstock

What’s more, maths, engineering and the sciences are now vital parts of careers that might have once seemed unrelated. It was once the case that the division between arts and science was seen as unbridgeable: you were firmly on one side or the other. Today this is far less evident.

Artists, in their many manifestations, are almost by default material scientists. Architects, photographers, musicians, video-makers, sound and lighting technicians are (arguably) technical engineers. Landscape gardeners are environmentalists, chefs are food scientists.

Everyday Stem

Stem affects everyday life at all levels. Wearing a smart watch to track our health and fitness, as so many of us do, requires analysis of data, averages and percentages. We need maths skills to navigate our personal finances. Following directions means programming a Satnav.

Young people take their attitudes, advice and directions from a multitude of sources. Concern about the environment may lead teens to consider careers in areas such as ecology or environmental engineering. The ubiquity of social media apps and the tech companies that run them raises awareness of the use of computer science or tech skills.

And leaving aside Instagram, TikTok and other social media, Sir David Attenborough’s TV series Blue Planet prompted a surge of interest in marine ecology and plastic pollution.

Nor are young people immune to social influences more broadly. In more diffuse ways, peers and parents are also influential in shaping career choices, as are science centres, museums, botanical gardens, planetariums, aquariums, environmental centres, city farms and such like.

Then there are teachers and schools. Positive experiences in school Stem prompt further study. There is increasing evidence that individual project work, industrial placements, role-model scientists, school outreach and class visits all play an important part in promoting career intentions and aspirations.

One important factor here is imbuing students with a positive Stem identity. When young people think they are good at Stem subjects and are able to be successful, they are much more likely to choose a Stem career.

The upshot here is that, as the world changes, and changes quickly, so does the realisation that Stem is an essential and invaluable dimension of life and that career prospects are varied and available at many, many levels. It seems little wonder that students have to come to see this and are enrolling in study and employment in greater numbers than before.

The Conversation

Mike Watts does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Teenagers are choosing to study Stem subjects – it’s a sign of the times – https://theconversation.com/teenagers-are-choosing-to-study-stem-subjects-its-a-sign-of-the-times-263218

Laws are introduced globally to reduce ‘psychological harm’ online – but there’s no clear definition of what it is

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Magda Osman, Professor of Policy Impact, University of Leeds

myboys.me/Shutterstock

Several pieces of legislation across the world are coming into effect this year to tackle harms experienced online, such as the UK’s Online Safety Act and Australia’s Online Safety Act. There are also new standards, regulations, acts and laws related to digital products (including smart devices such as voice assistants, virtual headsets) and services such as social media platforms.

Of the many harms these types of legislation are designed to address, “psychological harm”, “mental distress” or similar terms are commonly included.

Unfortunately, when psychological harm and the like are referred to, there is typically no detailed corresponding definition of them. But while we might have an intuitive understanding of what psychological harm is, we still need precision on what it means in law. This means evidencing what it is, agreeing on how to measure it and designing the best methods to tackle it.

How do we do this? An obvious place to look is psychological science.

The origin story

The earliest reference to psychological harm was made in the 1940s. Back then, it was about the destabilising impact of war propaganda and the use of psychology to subvert people’s understanding of reality. Psychological harm was a broad term, which also applied to those witnessing the horrors of war on the front line.

In the 1950s and 1960s, psychological harm was more associated with advertising tactics that aggressively exploit people’s emotions and insecurities.

Fast forward to the early 2000s, and tools for assessing psychological harm emerged alongside clinical assessments of mental health disorders. For instance, research on abuses experienced online, such as cyberbullying and cyberstalking, documented several psychological impacts. These ranged from withdrawal from social groups, self-doubt and reduced self-esteem to mental health disorders such as depression, anxiety and PTSD.

More terms entered into clinical and forensic lexicons, such as “psychological distress”, “psychological damage” and “psychological injury”. All of them concern some form of mental adverse experience which may happen immediately or as a delayed reaction to traumatic events.

Where we are now

In reviewing the 80 years’ worth of work in clinical, forensic and cognitive psychology, here is what I see as the major issues concerning psychological harm.

There is no agreement as to where to draw the boundary between psychological harm or related concepts and mental disorders outlined in the diagnostic manual called DSM-5-TR (such as depression, anxiety or personality disorders).

There is also no standardised measure of psychological harm or psychological distress or damage. For instance, if we just take social media, there are different metrics that vary even on how they measure negative mental experiences on Tiktok, Instagram and Threads, Facebook, Youtube and Weibo.

Upset and depressed girl holding smartphone sitting on college campus floor holding head.
Cyberbullying can cause major harm.
Ground Picture/Shutterstock

Why does this matter? Take for example cyberbullying. There are 17 tools in existence to measure psychological harm. And because the tools don’t all align, we don’t have an accurate picture of rates of psychological harm. Some tools are too narrow in scope – they fail to include severe cases that require psychiatric treatment. And other assessments are too broad – failing to exclude those that are malingering.

What’s more, how we perceive and experience adverse events, which can be very serious and debilitating, vary – they are subjective in nature. Research in clinical and forensic psychological recognises this. These disciplines have spent time establishing standards of assessment when supporting legal decisions for ensuring appropriate punitive measures when we face terrible situations.

Three practical suggestions

For legislation to do the job of guarding against psychological harm from serious adverse experiences online and through digital technologies, forensic psychology offers a path forward.

The first thing is to have an agreed definition. For example, in 2025, the psychologist Amanda Heath proposed a viable general-purpose definition as “a sustained drop in stable functioning, negatively impacting wellbeing”.

This works in the same way as legal requirements for defining physical harm, which needs a baseline of functioning to show how an injurious event causes a change to it. The severity of the damage varies, based on, say the length of recovery (such as a week, a month, a year, never). In the same way, the length of recovery from exposure to illegal content online would indicate the severity of the psychological harm experienced.

Second, there should to be a process for demonstrating causality between a particular adverse event online and the harm itself. So far, there doesn’t appear to be any set criteria laid out in online safety or harm acts for establishing causality.

Again, legislators could learn from forensic research, which outlines two levels in psychological injury cases that establish causality – psychologically and legally. Forensic psychologists weigh the evidence for the relative ratio of pre-existing and event or post-event factors to determine causality using something called counterfactual analysis.

For example, sometimes people have pre-existing injuries, vulnerabilities, or psychopathologies. So in such cases there needs to be a baseline, where the evidence shows how an indiviudal’s conditions have been exacerbated by experiencing an injurious event. For example, if we applied this analysis to psychological harm experienced online it would work like this. Forensic psychologists would weight the evidence to determine that, in the absence of seeing the illegal content, an individual would not have experienced PTSD to the same extent that they are experiencing it currently.

Finally, there need to be standards for the evidence used to show causality between a particular adverse event online and the harm itself, which we don’t yet see in current online safety or harm acts.

In forensic psychology, on the other hand, the legal standards of evidence are high, requiring independent corroboration of psychological impacts. This is where psychiatric assessment tools of PTSD, depression and anxiety are used along with other sources of evidence. Physical outcomes (such as neurological damage) and behavioural outcomes (such as substance abuse, self-harm) are also required.

To serve the public, the law needs to improve. This can’t be achieved without a fleshed out definition of psychological harm, tools of assessment and a framework that traces a causal path from the injurious content to the harm it is considered to have caused.

The Conversation

Magda Osman receives funding from ESRC, EPSRC, Research England, UKRI Innovate UK, Wellcome Trust, Turing Institute, Food Standards Agency, DFG, British Academy, DSTL, Counterterrorism Policing.

ref. Laws are introduced globally to reduce ‘psychological harm’ online – but there’s no clear definition of what it is – https://theconversation.com/laws-are-introduced-globally-to-reduce-psychological-harm-online-but-theres-no-clear-definition-of-what-it-is-263061

Bolivia election: voters bring two decades of leftist politics to an end

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Amalendu Misra, Professor of International Politics, Lancaster University

A seismic political shift has taken place in Bolivia. The country’s leftist Movimiento al Socialismo (Mas) party, which has dominated Bolivian politics for nearly 20 years, was voted out of power in a general election on August 17.

Centre-right Rodrigo Paz Pereira and rightwing Jorge “Tuto” Quiroga, who briefly led the country in 2001, will now compete for the presidency in a run-off vote in October. According to the electoral court’s preliminary tally, Paz Pereira won 32.2% of the vote and Quiroga won 26.9%.

Bolivia’s deeply unpopular president, Luis Arce, who was the Mas presidential candidate in 2020, chose not to run. And his pick, current interior minister Eduardo del Castillo, only won 3.16% of the vote. That is just enough for the party to avoid losing its legal status.

Beyond exhaustion with the rule of Mas, the election was dominated by two critical issues. First was the dire state of the economy. Bolivia is enduring its worst economic crisis in four decades, with US dollars and fuel in short supply. Inflation also jumped from 12% in January to 23% in June. Many Bolivians are struggling to make ends meet.

Second, voters were confronted with a decision to continue Bolivia’s old style status quo politics of patronage or opt for a new political ideology. Bolivians have long experienced divisive politics under the old order. The voters were clear; they wanted change.

Speaking after the results were announced, Paz Pereira said: “Bolivia is not only calling for a change of government, it is also calling for a change to the political system. This is the beginning of a great victory and a great transformation.”

End of an era

The results are likely to put an end to the political career of Evo Morales, Bolivia’s three-time former president and the founder of Mas. Morales first entered office in 2006 as part of the “pink tide” of leftist leaders that swept into power across Latin America during the commodities boom of the early 2000s.

He was long seen as the shining light of the Latin American left. His policies lifted millions of people, particularly Bolivian indigenous communities who have suffered centuries of marginalisation and discrimination, out of poverty.

But his critics accuse him of undermining Bolivia’s political and legal institutions by, for example, appointing loyalists to the judiciary and electoral bodies.

In 2016, when a referendum narrowly failed to lift restrictions on presidential term limits, Morales appointed a constitutional court to circumvent the rules and scrap term limits altogether. This gave him the power to run for office indefinitely.

Then, in 2019, widespread protests over a disputed election resulted in Morales losing the support of the military and police. He fled Bolivia, with his supporters saying he was forced out in a coup. Morales has remained highly active in Bolivian politics since then, though this has morphed into a contentious struggle for influence.

Mas has fallen victim to bitter infighting. Arce and Morales, who initially both wanted to be the Mas 2025 presidential candidate, became locked in a fight for control of Mas. And when a constitutional court ruling barred Morales from running, he accused the government of trying to disqualify his candidacy.




Read more:
Bolivia slides towards anarchy as two bitter rivals prepare for showdown 2025 election


Morales called for his supporters to boycott the vote. Preliminary results suggest 19.1% of ballots were null and void, an unusually high proportion in Bolivia’s electoral history. This followed months of regular violent protests, which were most intense in rural areas where support for Morales is concentrated.

The election outcome can be seen as representing the resolve of Bolivian citizens to prevent the further erosion of their democratic institutions and put a stop to the politics of populism. While waiting to vote at polling stations across La Paz, several people said they were choosing to vote for el menos peor, the lesser evil.

Paz Pereira was a surprise vote leader. Opinion polls had suggested Samuel Doria Medina, one Bolivia’s most successful businessman, was the frontrunner. But support for Paz Pereira seems to have surged after he teamed up with Edman Lara, a TikTok-savvy former police captain who went viral for denouncing corruption within the police.

Quiroga and Doria Medina, who has now announced he will back Paz Pereira in the run-off, used their election campaigns to warn of the need for a fiscal adjustment to save Bolivia from insolvency. This may include the elimination of food and fuel subsidies, which some analysts say risks sparking social unrest.

The road ahead for Bolivia’s incoming president will be hard and bumpy. His first task will be to rein in runaway inflation. Then he will have to put back together a fractured nation marked by racial and ideological divides.

He will also have to work on realigning Bolivia’s relationship with rest of the world – by extricating itself from its strong association with pariah regimes like Iran, Venezuela and Russia. The new leader has a mountain to climb.

The Conversation

Amalendu Misra does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Bolivia election: voters bring two decades of leftist politics to an end – https://theconversation.com/bolivia-election-voters-bring-two-decades-of-leftist-politics-to-an-end-263238

L’endettement de l’État sous Chirac, Sarkozy, Hollande, Macron… ce que nous apprend l’histoire récente

Source: The Conversation – in French – By François Langot, Professeur d’économie, Directeur adjoint de l’i-MIP (PSE-CEPREMAP), Le Mans Université

Jacques Chirac, Nicolas Sarkozy, François Hollande puis Emmanuel Macron ont été confrontés à la problématique de la dette et de ses intérêts. Comment la conjoncture économique (inflation et croissance) agissent sur cette dette ? Qui a bénéficié d’une bonne ou d’une mauvaise conjoncture ?


La dette n’a cessé de croître au cours de ces trente dernières années. Elle est la somme de tous les déficits publics accumulés depuis le milieu des années 1970. Afin de comparer le montant de cette dette à une capacité de financement, elle est exprimée en pourcentage du produit intérieur brut (PIB) – ratio dette/PIB, ce qui indique combien d’années de création de richesses (le PIB) sont nécessaires à son remboursement.

Sous Jacques Chirac, elle est passée de 663,5 milliards d’euros à 1 211,4 milliards d’euros, soit de 55,5 % à 64,1 % du PIB. Sous Nicolas Sarkozy, à 1 833,8 milliards d’euros, soit à 90,2 % du PIB. Sous Hollande, à 2 258,7 milliards d’euros, soit 98,4 % du PIB.

À la fin du premier trimestre 2025, la dette de la France représente 3 345,4 milliards d’euros, soit 113,9 % du PIB. Si cet endettement résulte évidemment de choix politiques, déterminant les recettes et les dépenses du pays, il dépend également de la conjoncture économique… qui peut plus ou moins faciliter la gestion de cette dette.

Crise des subprimes en 2008, pandémie de Covid-19, zone euro en récession, bulle Internet, embellie des années 2000, les gouvernements de Jacques Chirac, Nicolas Sarkozy, François Hollande et Emmanuel Macron ont connu des conjonctures économiques aussi assombries que radieuses. Avec quels arbitrages ? Explication en graphiques.

Influences de la conjoncture sur la dette

La conjoncture économique peut être analysée à travers deux paramètres, qui sont tous les deux des taux : le taux d’intérêt (r), fixé par la Banque centrale européenne (BCE) et qui détermine la charge d’intérêt à payer sur la dette, et les taux de croissance (g comme growth) qui mesurent l’accroissement annuel de richesses créées (le PIB). La conjoncture économique est à l’origine de deux effets :

Un premier effet est défavorable aux finances publiques. Il se produit lorsque la conjoncture conduit le taux d’intérêt (r) à être supérieur au taux de croissance (g), soit r-g > 0. Dans ce contexte, le surplus de richesse créée induit par la croissance est inférieur aux intérêts à payer sur la dette. De facto, la dette croît, même si les choix politiques conduisent les recettes de l’État à financer ses dépenses (hors charges des intérêts de cette dette), c’est-à-dire si le déficit primaire est nul.




À lire aussi :
« La crise politique est plus inquiétante pour l’économie française que la crise budgétaire seule »


Le schéma (Figure 1) indique que cette conjoncture défavorable s’est produite sous le mandat de Jacques Chirac. En cette période, la somme des déficits primaires, soit les dépenses de l’État hors charge de la dette, et les recettes, est quasiment stable (courbe bleue). La dette est en hausse à cause d’intérêts élevés (r entre 2,5 % et 5 %), conjugués avec une croissance modérée (g est autour de 4 %) qui font croître cet endettement (courbe rouge).

Un deuxième effet est favorable aux finances publiques. Si le taux d’intérêt réel est inférieur au taux de croissance (r-g < 0), alors la dette (ratio dette/PIB) peut être stabilisée, même si les dépenses, hors charges des intérêts, sont supérieures aux recettes, c’est-à-dire même si les choix politiques induisent un déficit primaire. En effet, dans ce cas, l’accroissement annuel de la richesse créée (la croissance du PIB) est supérieure à la charge des intérêts.

Le schéma (Figure 1) indique qu’une telle conjoncture s’est produite sous les mandats d’Emmanuel Macron. Pendant cette période, la somme des déficits primaires a fortement crû (courbe bleue) : les choix politiques ont conduit les dépenses de l’État (hors charges des intérêts sur la dette) à être supérieures à ses recettes. Toutefois, la dette a augmenté plus faiblement (courbe rouge), car les taux d’intérêts sont restés plus faibles que la croissance (moins de 2 % pour les taux d’intérêt, r, contre plus de 2,5 % pour la croissance, g).

Figure 1 : L’écart entre la ligne rouge et la ligne bleue mesure la contribution des charges d’intérêt nette de la croissance (r-g) à l’évolution du ratio dette/PIB. Données Insee.
Fourni par l’auteur

Contribution de la conjoncture à la dette

L’histoire récente classe en deux groupes les mandats présidentiels. Celui où une « mauvaise » conjoncture explique majoritairement la hausse de la dette (ratio dette/PIB) – dans la figure 1, la courbe rouge croît davantage que la courbe bleue. Celui où les déficits primaires contribuent majoritairement à sa hausse – dans la figure 1, la courbe bleue croît davantage que la courbe rouge.

Le premier regroupe les mandats de Jacques Chirac et Nicolas Sarkozy. Le second, ceux de François Hollande et d’Emmanuel Macron.

Les données montrent que sous les deux mandats de Jacques Chirac (1995-2007), le ratio dette/PIB a augmenté de 8,99 points (0,75 point par an). Cette augmentation est due à une « mauvaise » conjoncture pour les finances publiques (effet de r-g > 0) qui a fait croître le ratio dette/PIB de 10,07 points, la dynamique des déficits primaires ayant contribué à le réduire de 1,08 point. Pendant cette période, les taux d’intérêt sur la dette publique étaient très élevés – entre 4 et 6 %.

Sous le mandat de Nicolas Sarkozy (2007-2012), le ratio dette/PIB a crû de 22,76 points (4,55 points par an), dont 11,01 points induits par les déficits primaires, soit 48 % de la hausse totale, et 11,75 points à la conjoncture (52 % du total). Les taux d’intérêt ont continué à être élevés – entre 3 et 4 %. Les déficits primaires importants ont suivi les choix politiques visant à amortir la crise des subprimes.

A contrario, pendant le mandat de François Hollande, c’est la hausse des déficits primaires qui expliquent à 71,5 % de la hausse totale du ratio dette/PIB (9,13 points parmi les 12,74 points de hausse totale, soit 2,55 points par année). Les taux d’intérêt ont continué à baisser, passant de 3 % à moins de 2 %, alors que les déficits primaires n’ont pas été contrôlés, même si les crises des subprimes puis des dettes souveraines étaient passées.

Déficits primaires sous Emmanuel Macron

Les mandats d’Emmanuel Macron, jusqu’en 2024, accentuent encore le trait. La dette n’a augmenté que de 10,8 points (1,35 point par an), car la conjoncture l’a fait baisser de 15,31 points, les taux d’intérêt devenant très faibles, passant sous les 1 % en 2020. La hausse de la dette s’explique uniquement par la très forte hausse des déficits primaires qui l’ont fait croître de 26,11 points, pendant une période où la pandémie de Covid-19 et la crise de l’énergie ont conduit l’État à assurer les Français contre de trop forte baisses de pouvoir d’achat.




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Quand commence un krach boursier ? Et qu’appelle-t-on ainsi ?


La période future, allant de 2025-2029, se classe dans la seconde configuration où la conjoncture facilitera de moins en moins la gestion de la dette publique (r-g < 0). Même avec un objectif politique de maîtrise de l’endettement, la réduction des déficits primaires pourra alors se faire graduellement. Toutefois, avec ces déficits qui continueront à peser sur la dette, la conjoncture facilitera de moins en moins la gestion de la dette publique, car la croissance compensera de moins en moins un taux d’intérêt en hausse.

Le budget présenté par François Bayrou, le 25 juillet dernier, fera croître le ratio dette/PIB de 4,6 points (0,92 point par an), dans un contexte où la conjoncture le réduira de 1,7 point. Les déficits primaires l’augmenteront donc de 6,3 points. Dans ce contexte, l’effort budgétaire proposé par le gouvernement Bayrou permettra de stabiliser le ratio dette/PIB autour de 117 %, certes loin de la stabilisation autour de 60 % des mandats de Jacques Chirac…

Équilibre entre dépenses et recettes

L’évolution du déficit primaire (écart entre les dépenses, hors charges d’intérêt, et les recettes) indique que sur les vingt-neuf dernières années, il y a eu dix années où il s’est accru. Trois hausses majeures se dégagent : en 2002, de 1,82 point avec le krach boursier, en 2009 de 4,2 points, avec la crise des subprimes et, en 2020, de 6,1 points, avec la pandémie de Covid-19.

En 2002, la hausse du déficit était partagée avec 1,1 point lié aux hausses des dépenses et 0,72 point aux réductions des recettes. Les fortes hausses de 2008 et de 2020 sont majoritairement dues à des hausses de dépenses : 95 % des 4,2 points de 2009 et 97 % des 6,1 points de 2020. Afin de contenir la dette, les recettes ont fini par augmenter après les crises, entre 2004 et 2006, puis entre 2011 et 2013 et, enfin, entre 2021 et 2022. Mais il n’y a jamais eu de réduction des dépenses ni après 2011 ni après 2023.

C’est donc leur persistance à un niveau élevé qui explique l’accroissement du ratio dette/PIB. Seule la période très récente (en 2023) avec la crise ukrainienne a conduit l’État à réduire les recettes afin de préserver le pouvoir d’achat dans un contexte de forte inflation.

Contrôle des dépenses publiques

Le plan du gouvernement Bayrou, en faisant peser les trois quarts de l’ajustement sur les dépenses, propose de reprendre le contrôle des dépenses publiques afin qu’elles représentent 54,4 % du PIB en 2029 – ce que l’on observait avant la crise de 2007. Au-delà de stabiliser le ratio dette/PIB, ce choix politique permet aussi d’envisager la possibilité de gérer une éventuelle crise future. La question qui se pose alors est : quels postes de dépenses réduire en priorité ?

Variation d’un type de dépense par mandat. La variation mesure l’écart en point de PIB entre la dépense en fin de mandat (2023 pour Emmanuel Macron) et la dépense en début de mandat. Données Insee.
Fourni par l’auteur

Les postes de dépenses qui ont crû depuis 1995 sont ceux liés à l’environnement (+0,8 point de PIB), à la santé (+3,2 points de PIB), aux loisirs, à la culture et au culte (+0,6 point de PIB) et à la protection sociale (+1,3 point de PIB). Ceux qui ont baissé sont ceux liés aux services généraux des administrations publiques (-4,1 points de PIB), à la défense (-1,1 point de PIB) et à l’enseignement (-1,5 points de PIB). À l’avenir, un budget réallouant les dépenses en faveur de la défense et l’enseignement via un meilleur contrôle des dépenses de santé et de protection sociale devra donc être perçu comme un simple rééquilibrage.

The Conversation

François Langot ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. L’endettement de l’État sous Chirac, Sarkozy, Hollande, Macron… ce que nous apprend l’histoire récente – https://theconversation.com/lendettement-de-letat-sous-chirac-sarkozy-hollande-macron-ce-que-nous-apprend-lhistoire-recente-261478

Transatlantic unity at the White House disguises lack of progress towards just peace for Ukraine

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Stefan Wolff, Professor of International Security, University of Birmingham

At a high-stakes meeting at the White House on August 18, the US president, Donald Trump, and his Ukrainian counterpart, Volodymyr Zelensky, tried to hammer out the broad contours of a potential peace agreement with Russia. The tone of their encounter was in marked contrast to their last joint press conference in Washington back in February which ended with Zelensky’s humiliation by Trump and his vice president, J.D. Vance.

The outcomes of the presidential get-together, and the subsequent, expanded meeting with leaders of the European coalition of the willing, were also a much more professional affair than Trump’s summit with his Russian counterpart, Vladimir Putin, on August 15. The results of the meetings in the White House were still far from perfect. But they are a much better response to the reality in which Ukrainians have lived for the past more than three-and-a-half years than what transpired during and after the brief press conference held by the two leaders after their meeting in Alaska.

This relatively positive outcome was not a foregone conclusion. Over the weekend, Trump had put out a statement on his Truth Social platform that: “President Zelenskyy (sic) of Ukraine can end the war with Russia almost immediately”. But this came with the proviso that Zelensky would need to accept Ukraine’s loss of Crimea to Russia and forego his country’s future Nato membership. This, and similar ideas of land swaps between Russia and Ukraine, have already been roundly rejected by the Ukrainian president.

Importantly, Kyiv’s position has been fully backed by Ukraine’s European allies. Leaders of the coalition of the willing issued a joint statement on August 16 to the effect that any territorial concessions were Ukraine’s to make or refuse.

On Nato membership, their statement was more equivocal. European leaders asserted that Russia should not be allowed to have a veto on Ukraine’s choices.
But the coalition’s reiteration of the commitment that it is “ready to play an active role” in guaranteeing Ukraine’s future security opened up a pathway to Trump to “Article 5-like protections” for Ukraine against future Russian aggression and promising “a lot of help when it comes to security”. Nato’s Article 5 guarantees that an attack on one member is an attack on all and commits the alliance to collective defence.

A possibly emerging deal – some territorial concessions by Ukraine in exchange for peace and joint US and European security guarantees – appeared to become more certain during the televised meeting between Trump and his visitors before their closed-door discussions. In different ways, each of the European guests acknowledged the progress that Trump had made towards a settlement and they all emphasised the importance of a joint approach to Russia to make sure that any agreement would bring a just and lasting peace.

As an indication that his guests were unwilling to simply accept whatever deal he had brought back with him from his meeting with Putin in Alaska, the US president then interrupted the meeting to call the Russian president. Signals from Russia were far from promising with Moscow rejecting any Nato troop deployments to Ukraine and singling out the UK as allegedly seeking to undermine the US-Russia peace effort.

Peace remains elusive

When the meeting concluded and the different leaders offered their interpretations of what had been agreed, two things became clear. First, the Ukrainian side had not folded under pressure from the US, and European leaders, while going out of their way to flatter Trump, held their ground as well. Importantly, Trump had not walked away from the process either but appeared to want to remain engaged.

Second, Russia had not given any ground, either. According to remarks by Putin’s foreign policy advisor, Yuri Ushakov, posted on the Kremlin’s official website, Russia would consider “the possibility of raising the level of representatives of the Ukrainian and Russian parties”. His statement falls short of, but does not rule out, the possibility of a Zelensky-Putin summit, which Trump announced as a major success after the White House meetings yesterday.

Such a meeting was seen as the next logical step towards peace by all the participants of the White House meeting and would be followed, according to Trump, by what he called “a Trilat” of the Ukrainian, Russian and American presidents. The lack of clear confirmation by Russia that such meetings would indeed happen raises more doubts about the Kremlin’s sincerity.

But the fact that a peace process – if it can be called that – remains somewhat intact is a far cry from an actual peace agreement. Little if anything was said in the aftermath of the White House meeting on territorial issues. Pressure on Russia only came up briefly in comments by European leaders, whose ambitions to become formally involved in actual peace negotiations remain a pipe dream for the time being. And, despite the initial optimism about security guarantees, no firm commitments were made with Zelensky only noting “the important signal from the United States regarding its readiness to support and be part of these guarantees”.

Peace in Ukraine thus remains elusive, for now. The only tangible success is that whatever Trump imagines as the process to a peace agreement did not completely fall apart. But as this process unfolds, its progress, if any, happens at a snail’s pace. Meanwhile the Russian war machine deployed against Ukraine grinds forward.

At the end of the day, yesterday’s events changed little. They merely confirmed that Putin keeps playing for time, that Trump is unwilling to put real pressure on him and that Ukraine and Europe have no effective leverage on either side.

Trump boldly claimed ahead of his meetings with Zelensky and the leaders of the coalition of the willing that he knew exactly what he was doing. That may be true – but it may also not be enough without knowing and understanding what his counterpart in the Kremlin is doing.

The Conversation

Stefan Wolff is a past recipient of grant funding from the Natural Environment Research Council of the UK, the United States Institute of Peace, the Economic and Social Research Council of the UK, the British Academy, the NATO Science for Peace Programme, the EU Framework Programmes 6 and 7 and Horizon 2020, as well as the EU’s Jean Monnet Programme. He is a Trustee and Honorary Treasurer of the Political Studies Association of the UK and a Senior Research Fellow at the Foreign Policy Centre in London.

ref. Transatlantic unity at the White House disguises lack of progress towards just peace for Ukraine – https://theconversation.com/transatlantic-unity-at-the-white-house-disguises-lack-of-progress-towards-just-peace-for-ukraine-263353

Going with the flow: how penguins use tides to travel and hunt

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Rory Wilson, Professor of Aquatic Biology and Sustainable Aquaculture, Swansea University

Magellanic penguins in the surf. Ondrej Prosicky/Shutterstock

Poohsticks, the game in which Piglet and Winnie the Pooh throw sticks into the river from one side of a bridge, and then rush over to the other side to see whose stick appears first, is all about current flow. Disappointingly, neither Piglet nor Pooh mention fluid dynamics despite its pivotal importance in determining who won.

Unlike sticks, though, animals can respond to those flows. The movement of water and air – with their winds and currents – can affect flying and swimming animals profoundly. And as we recently discovered, penguins are far more tuned in to these dynamics than anyone realised.

Anyone who’s ever swum in the sea will know how cross-currents can drag you along the coast, even when you’re trying to swim straight in. Magellanic penguins, a South American penguin, face this challenge daily, but they appear to have found a clever solution.

Penguins can swim far from land but seem to know exactly where they are. More importantly, they seem to know how to get back to their breeding colonies, whether currents are confounding them or not.

A group of Magellanic penguins going to sea from some rocks.
Masters of navigation.
Jeremy Richards/Shutterstock

To understand how they do this, our team – which included researchers from Argentina, Germany, Japan and the UK – fitted high-tech tracking tags to Magellanic penguins breeding in Argentina. These birds often forage up to 43 miles offshore, far beyond the range of visual landmarks. And it’s unlikely they’re using the seafloor as a map, as Magellanics rarely dive that deep.

The tech we placed on the penguins recorded some pivotal information. Global positioning systems (GPS) gave the birds’ positions when they were at the surface between dives. And trajectories underwater could be calculated using dead reckoning. This is what a car navigation system does when it goes into a tunnel – it starts with the last GPS position and uses vectors on the car heading and speed to work out the path.

Our team did this with the penguins’ data, calculating the underwater pathways for every second of their one to three day trips. We then integrated this with the currents. This was no simple undertaking because currents change dramatically over the tidal cycle and vary with position.

So what could the penguins do in such a dynamic environment? One option (assuming they somehow knew both where they were and where home was) would be to head straight for the colony. But doing this would often have meant swimming against strong currents, sometimes of up to 2 metres per second (around 4.5mph). That’s about the same speed as an Olympic swimmer.

Although penguins can cruise at that speed, going faster to beat the current would cost them a lot of extra energy.




Read more:
Swimming in the sweet spot: how marine animals save energy on long journeys


Interestingly, we found that during slack water, when the currents were trivial, the penguins headed directly home. So, somehow they knew where they were in relation to the colony. Theories about how animals might do this include them using magnetic field sensing, celestial cues, or even using smell to find their way but it’s a mysterious and hotly debated topic among experts.

When the current was strong, the penguins generally aimed in the right direction to return home. But they often combined this with swimming in the same general direction as the current, which typically flowed across the direct line to the nest. So, some birds appeared set to overshoot the colony, probably landing further down the coast.

However, the yin and yang of tidal currents means that what flows one way on the rising tide reverses on the ebb. The penguins seemed to understand this. They swam roughly equivalent, but mirror-imaged, trajectories on both incoming and outgoing tides, according to the direction of the current.

This strategy effectively cancels out potential overshoots over the course of a tidal cycle. Once they were close enough to the colony, the penguins launched into a final burst of power and made a direct line for home. This strategy increases the length of the path to get home. But it’s easy travelling since much of the work to move is done by the current and the increased distance gives the penguins opportunities to find prey.

Navigational experts

This suggests that Magellanic penguins can detect both the direction and speed of ocean currents. While some theories propose that animals sense small-scale turbulence to gauge flow, the mechanisms remain poorly understood.

Still, what these penguins manage is remarkable. It’s a kind of navigational party trick that helps ensure they return reliably to feed their chicks, seemingly untroubled by shifting currents.

Ocean and air circulation patterns are becoming more chaotic with climate change. If penguins, and other marine animals, can keep navigating our waters with skill and instinct, it’s one small piece of good news in a rapidly changing world.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Going with the flow: how penguins use tides to travel and hunt – https://theconversation.com/going-with-the-flow-how-penguins-use-tides-to-travel-and-hunt-262267

William Blake’s painting The Ghost of a Flea speaks to processing childhood trauma

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Sarah Corbett, Lecturer in Creative Writing, Lancaster University

The Ghost of a Flea by William Blake (1819-1820). Tate Britain/Collage made with Canva

In William Blake’s painting The Ghost of a Flea (1820) a huge muscled figure fills the frame. He steps forward, the right side of his body towards the viewer. In one outstretched hand he holds a bleeding bowl (used to catch the blood released during bloodletting) made from an acorn. In the other, a curved thorn stands in for a knife. His tongue protrudes from between his teeth and his eyes bulge from his head. His ears are pointed with frills, or gills, almost reptilian.

White paint dots his eye, so that he appears to be both looking ahead and looking at us. He is stood on a stage between curtains with a backdrop of stars, one falling in a blaze of light. He is at once light and heavy, balanced on his toes as if he is engaged in a dance, or creeping towards his victim.

Painted in thick brown tempera (a pigment bound in water and egg, or oil and egg) and cracked with age, it is gold leaf that gives the painting its light. It’s in the creature’s muscles, the stars that fall behind him, the rim of the acorn bowl, the curtains he parts with his bulk and the boards of the stage that break into undulations at his step. The whole effect is one of movement, and of a creature occupying a space that is both vast and framed. But the painting is tiny – a rectangular hardwood panel measuring only 8.42 by 6.23 inches.


This article is part of Rethinking the Classics. The stories in this series offer insightful new ways to think about and interpret classic books and artworks. This is the canon – with a twist.


The Ghost of the Flea is a development of an original sketch from a group of visionary heads (chalk and pencil drawings of historical and mythical characters seen in visions) that Blake had drawn for watercolour artist and astrologer John Varley. Blake claimed to have seen and spoken with spirits since he was a child and in a series of late night seances, Varley persuaded Blake to draw the images of these visions to illustrate his book, Treatise on Zodiacal Physiognomy (1828).

My poem of the same title, in my 2018 collection, A Perfect Mirror, recalls Blake’s vision of the flea’s ghost as a way of writing about a series of terrifying experiences I had as a child. Blake’s monstrous “ghost” is the perfect embodiment of a horror I could neither name nor give shape to for many years: “The corner of the bedroom housed him / gigantic in a speck of dust.”

These experiences, triggered by trauma, involved a level of disassociation where I would lose all sense of scale, my body in space becoming both impossibly tiny and horrifically vast: “at once huge / and far away, immensely tiny and close.”

Blake’s painting captures the paradox of this disembodiment. The flea’s ghost is not what we expect of the tiniest of creatures, but instead expresses the flea’s innermost essence.

I grew up during the cold war, when the threat of nuclear annihilation was close at hand. This threat affected me deeply. My sense of horror was not only a personal one, but one that stretched to imagining the millions of souls that would be released from their bodies by nuclear catastrophe. In my poem, the white eyes of the flea’s apparition become “soft white pods of spider nests / where the million bodies might / any minute come rushing”.

While acknowledging the horror and giving it form, the poem self-consciously steps back from it. Now I am the poet, looking back on the experience and framing it through art. The process of writing, or any other artistic process, is only therapeutic in how far writing (or painting) is able to distance the traumatic experience from the writer.

The artist or writer does this through the process of shaping, crafting, rewriting and editing. The very act of “framing” draws attention to the artistic process. As Blake “frames” his monster in paint between draped curtains on the tiny hardwood panel I, the poet, frame and shape the frightening memories and images in lines and stanzas. This is the “stage” whereby experience is transmuted through the artifice of the painting or poem.

sketch of two men in animated conversation
William Blake in Conversation with John Varley by John Linnell (1818).
Wiki Commons

Images are central to this process in poetry and in visual art, but it is often in visual art that these images are more readily available. Powerful visual images can work like dreams, coding meaning and experience in ways that reach the subconscious mind and impart understanding that might otherwise stay hidden. Without needing to fully articulate an experience, it must be “proved upon our pulse”, as the poet John Keats put it.

This is only one of the reasons I am drawn to ekphrastic writing (writing that describes another art form). To my mind, the purpose of ekphrasis goes far beyond this. The poem must do more than simply recreate or describe the work of art – it should be a conversation between art forms that can range from discussing to expanding, or stepping off from the ideas and motifs the original works evoke. Most importantly, ekphrastic work should not only be a synthesis of the original and of new ideas and thinking, but a new work of art that stands in its own right.

My intention in my poem The Ghost of a Flea was to hold such a conversation with Blake through his painting, The Ghost of a Flea. Blake is a poet and artist who speaks profoundly to my own personal and artistic experience – and whose work remains a well of inspiration and encouragement.

Beyond the canon

As part of the Rethinking the Classics series, we’re asking our experts to recommend a book or artwork that tackles similar themes to the canonical work in question, but isn’t (yet) considered a classic itself. Here is Sarah Corbett’s suggestion:

Laurie Anderson in 2020.
Laurie Anderson in 2020.
New Zealand Government, CC BY-SA

An image of the doomsday clock opens Laurie Anderson’s artwork, the “opera” Ark, which blends song and story with images in a three-hour essay about the apocalypse.

As a child, I would “see” the doomsday clock on my bedroom wall, counting me down to my own destruction. I had to count back from 100 to hold in balance the second hand of the clock that threatened to strike the hour of midnight. At the last moment I would find the courage to escape from my room, and the nightmare would vanish, only to return the next evening.

Despite the multiple threats humanity now faces, from nuclear war to AI to climate collapse, Anderson’s performance looks for ways to bring us together in a collective healing. I found poetry – or perhaps, more accurately, poetry found me. The function of art is not only to awaken us to the truths around us, but to give us ways to re-imagine our future.

This article features references to books that have been included for editorial reasons, and may contain links to bookshop.org. If you click on one of the links and go on to buy something from bookshop.org The Conversation UK may earn a commission.


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The Conversation

Sarah Corbett received funidng from the AHRC for Doctoral study, 2007 – 10

ref. William Blake’s painting The Ghost of a Flea speaks to processing childhood trauma – https://theconversation.com/william-blakes-painting-the-ghost-of-a-flea-speaks-to-processing-childhood-trauma-234131