Cómo la llegada de Robert F. Kennedy Jr. ha sacudido el sistema de salud pública en EE. UU.

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Carmen Isolina Egea Gutiérrez – Cortines, Profesora Políticas Públicas y Unión Europea, Universidad Francisco de Vitoria

El secretario de Salud estadounidense, Robert Jr. Kennedy. lev radin/Shutterstock

29 días duró en su cargo Susan Monarez, directora de los Centros para el Control y la Prevención de Enfermedades (CDC por sus siglas en inglés) de Estados Unidos, nombrada por la propia Administración Trump.

Tras ella renunciaron cuatro altos cargos más del CDC. Todos argumentaron preocupación por los recortes en el organismo, la desinformación sobre las vacunas y la politización de los servicios de salud públicos que dirige Robert F. Kennedy Jr.

El cese de Monarez ha formado parte de un posicionamiento en materia de salud pública por parte del presidente Donald Trum que es más que discutible. La política influye en la salud, y esta no es ni la primera ni la última vez que lo veremos, pero este caso está teniendo especial relevancia.

No hay duda de que la sucesión de eventos políticos en Estados Unidos está provocando inestabilidad. La elección de Robert F. Kennedy Jr. como secretario de Estado de Salud generó un debate considerable en su día al haber sido un activista antivacunas durante la pandemia de la covid-19 y haberse unido a los que exponen que hay una unión entre determinadas vacunaciones y el autismo –algo más que descartado por la ciencia– .

Se han añadido recientemente a estos posicionamientos las declaraciones del presidente sobre la relación entre el consumo del Tylenol (que contiene paracetamol) y el autismo, en el fondo culpando de un problema muy complejo como es el autismo a la comunidad científica y también a las mujeres por el consumo de este medicamento durante el embarazo. Todo ello sin aportar evidencias sólidas y contribuyendo a la desinformación pública.

Desde que fue nombrado, su papel fue distinto al habitual en un puesto semejante. No hablaba de listas de espera o de lucha contra las enfermedades cardiovasculares, la gran pandemia estadounidense. Eso sí, adoptaba un tono claramente sanitario –terminar con la epidemia de enfermedades crónicas–, otro técnico –la vuelta a una medicina y ciencia basada en la evidencia– y uno político –la lucha contra la corrupción en las agencias de salud–.

Un presupuesto de 3,4 billones de dólares

Y Kennedy se puso a trabajar para ejecutar su mandato. Siguiendo la línea de otros miembros del gabinete, como el secretario de Estado Marco Rubio o el controvertido Elon Musk, impulsó reformas en las principales agencias federales de salud. Esto tenía un alcance mucho mayor que en otros departamentos, ya que de él dependen organismos tan decisivos como el NIH – Instituto Nacional de Salud–, que financia la investigación básica en salud; la FDA –Administración de Alimentos y Medicamentos–, que aprueba medicamentos, y los CMS –agencias de salud–, que gestionan Medicare y Medicaid para más de 100 millones de ciudadanos. El presupuesto bajo su responsabilidad asciende a 3,4 billones de dólares

El cese de gran parte de los equipos anteriores a los actualmente nombrados por Kennedy ha llevado consigo acusaciones de presiones de la comisión para la aprobación de las vacunas del CDC.

La relación entre salud y política es mucho más estrecha de lo que solemos imaginar. Lo vimos en los distintos modos de respuesta a la pandemia de la covid-19. Ocurrió en Brasil y en México, pero también en Bulgaria o incluso en Estados Unidos.

Las decisiones sanitarias tocan tres fibras muy sensibles a la vez: la redistribución de recursos, la identidad personal y el peso de la ciencia. Por eso debates sobre vacunas, seguros médicos o acceso a tratamientos generan tanta controversia.

Las críticas a los cambios realizados en las distintas agencias se han escuchado y reflejado en la prensa. El impacto que tiene en la sociedad una situación de inestabilidad en un sector tan importante como el de la salud es enorme.

Confianza en el profesional y en el sistema

En general, el sistema sanitario, incluidos los tratamientos, tiene un componente importante de confianza en el profesional y en el propio sistema. La crítica a los procesos de aprobación de las medicaciones o de las vacunas, al igual que a los profesionales que realizan esta aprobación, produce una falta de adherencia a los tratamientos y, como resultado, un impacto sobre la salud de los pacientes.

En este caso, la revisión –compleja e injustificada en su explicación– de la política de vacunación tiene muchos efectos. Las declaraciones del secretario de Salud exponiendo que no prohibiría el uso a un padre o una madre, pero que sería objeto de revisión, conlleva una posible salida de las vacunas de la cartera de servicios del sistema de salud público. Así, cada progenitor tendrá que cubrir las vacunas de sus hijos.

La privatización de uno de los elementos más importantes de la prevención sanitaria como es la vacunación podría tener consecuencias terribles. Y ya hemos visto cómo han aumentado los brotes de sarampión en Estados Unidos.




Leer más:
Sarampión: ¿cómo hacer frente al aumento del número de casos?


Estamos presenciando un cambio en la manera de concebir la salud, marcado por tintes ideológicos, que traerá efectos muy graves.

The Conversation

Carmen Isolina Egea Gutiérrez – Cortines no recibe salario, ni ejerce labores de consultoría, ni posee acciones, ni recibe financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y ha declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado.

ref. Cómo la llegada de Robert F. Kennedy Jr. ha sacudido el sistema de salud pública en EE. UU. – https://theconversation.com/como-la-llegada-de-robert-f-kennedy-jr-ha-sacudido-el-sistema-de-salud-publica-en-ee-uu-264650

El arte como espejo de la ciencia: de los cielos volcánicos a la cámara oscura

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Antonio Manuel Peña García, Catedrático del Área de Ingeniería Eléctrica, Universidad de Granada

Cuadros como este _Paisaje nevado con patinadores_ (1565), de Pieter Brueghel el Viejo, ilustran el enfriamiento que sufrió el clima durante la llamada Pequeña Edad de Hielo (siglos XVI a XIX). Wikimedia Commons, CC BY

El 25 de octubre se celebra el Día Internacional del Artista, un buen momento para señalar que arte y ciencia y, más concretamente, pintura y física, siguen caminos frecuentemente entrelazados.

Aunque existen incontables ejemplos, si hay un terreno en el que físicos y pintores aprendemos unos de otros, ése es la atmósfera. Desde su modo caprichoso de tratar a los rayos solares hasta sus más violentas rabietas, la envoltura gaseosa que nos acoge y protege es el laboratorio total para científicos y artistas.

El ejemplo más famoso lo brindó el volcán Krakatoa que, tras varios días de actividad, el 27 de agosto de 1883 experimentó una de las erupciones más violentas jamás registradas. Ese fatídico día se produjeron decenas de miles de muertes y otros efectos que siglo y medio después siguen sonando a ciencia ficción. Pero también supuso un hito en la historia del arte.

El grito, de Edvard Munch (1893)
Wikimedia commons, CC BY

Una década después, el genial Edvard Munch plasmaba una angustiosa experiencia vivida años antes en El grito, obra maestra del expresionismo y quizá el testimonio más sobrecogedor de la unión entre arte y física. Su cielo estremecedor, que según el propio Munch “se tiñó de rojo sangre” al ponerse el sol, pudo ser algo más que una licencia artística.

El color de un volcán

Existe consenso en que durante los años posteriores a la erupción del volcán Krakatoa los atardeceres fueron especialmente rojizos en ciertas latitudes debido a la acumulación de sus cenizas en la alta atmósfera. Estas cenizas acentúan el fenómeno físico llamado scattering, que hace que las luces azules se distribuyan por toda la bóveda celeste (por eso es azul el cielo) y que las rojas nos lleguen en mayor medida cuando tienen que atravesar más distancia, es decir, al amanecer y en el ocaso.

O, al menos, eso pensábamos, porque un grupo de meteorólogos noruegos ha apuntado que aquel espectáculo de luces pudo deberse a la eventual presencia de un raro tipo de nubes que de cuando en cuando se dejan ver en las altas latitudes. Su afirmación se basa en aspectos concretos del trazo y colorido empleados por Munch. Controversias físicas por unas pinceladas.

Entonces, ¿volcán o nubes exóticas? La polémica sigue viva.

Munch no fue el único artista que incidió en atardeceres muy rojos en aquellos años. Entre una lista considerable, destaca William Ascroft, autor inglés que, sin sospechar la verdadera causa, dejó toda una colección de cielos en llamas en los años inmediatamente posteriores a la erupción del Krakatoa.

atardecer pintado
Un atardecer de junio de 1883, obra de William Ascroft.
WordPress.com, CC BY

Parece que esos cielos rojos que tanto fascinaron a los pintores de finales del XIX se vieron en muchos momentos y latitudes, independientemente de la eventual presencia de nubes polares.

Cambio climático en el museo

La pintura no solo nos muestra el aspecto del cielo. También es una valiosa herramienta para el estudio del paleoclima, pues aporta valiosas lecciones sobre la evolución climática desde tiempos remotos y la posible influencia antropogénica sobre la situación actual.

El estudio de pinturas rupestres en cuevas del actual desierto del Sáhara ha sido fundamental para saber que, hace miles de años, la vida de sus moradores y la fauna que los alimentaba eran muy distintas a las actuales, prueba de unas condiciones meteorológicas mucho más moderadas en ese inhóspito desierto africano.

Más recientemente, la llamada Pequeña Edad de Hielo que tuvo lugar entre los siglos XIV y XIX influyó poderosamente sobre la pintura, quedando numerosos testimonios de nevadas o ríos congelados en regiones en las que el clima es hoy más benigno.

El secreto de los maestros

Retrato del cardenal Hugo de Saint-Cher (fallecido en 1263) por Tommaso da Modena (1352). Es la primera representación conocida de unas gafas.
Wikimedia commons, CC BY

Podría pensarse que entre todos los físicos, solo los meteorólogos se benefician del estudio de las obras maestras. Nada más lejos de la realidad. La óptica, la optometría e incluso la fotografía están en deuda con la pintura.

Lo que hoy llamamos gafas fue un invento italiano de finales del XIII, aunque se usasen lentes para leer anteriormente. Su evolución técnica la podemos estudiar a través de retratos pintados hace siglos.

Pero hay más. Entre las incontables controversias del universo pictórico, pocas tan misteriosas como la de la cámara oscura, un invento que impulsó la física de la luz y la pintura a pares. La inventó un científico árabe, Alhacén, hace 1 000 años, y llegó a ella para rebatir las teorías aristotélicas de la luz. La cámara oscura consiste en la proyección de los rayos reflejados por un objeto a través de un agujero o lente sobre la pared de una estancia oscura. Con un papel fino permite calcarse fácilmente la imagen a menor tamaño o dibujar contornos de manera más fiel que si se pinta “a ojo”.

Ilustraciones de una cámara oscura pertenecientes al libro : El mundo físico : gravedad, gravitación, luz, calor, electricidad, magnetismo, etc. / A. Guillemin. – Barcelona Montaner y Simón, 1882.
Wikimedia commons, CC BY

Hoy sabemos casi con total seguridad que la cámara oscura la usaron grandes maestros como Leonardo da Vinci, Vermeer o Caravaggio, quien además fijaba las imágenes con sustancias químicas, estableciendo el germen de la fotografía (¡en el siglo XVI!). También se sospecha de Velázquez, pero solo Leonardo da Vinci lo admitió e incluso describió sus experimentos.

Celebramos el Día Internacional del Artista atónitos ante tanta belleza, pero también agradecidos a los artistas que nos han ayudado a estudiar los cielos, a comprender el cambio climático o a ver más allá de nuestras narices gracias a los instrumentos ópticos que perfeccionaron.

The Conversation

Antonio Manuel Peña García no recibe salario, ni ejerce labores de consultoría, ni posee acciones, ni recibe financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y ha declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado.

ref. El arte como espejo de la ciencia: de los cielos volcánicos a la cámara oscura – https://theconversation.com/el-arte-como-espejo-de-la-ciencia-de-los-cielos-volcanicos-a-la-camara-oscura-264438

Doctora, no puedo oler: ¿tengo párkinson?

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Jannette Rodríguez Pallares, Profesora Titular de Anatomía y Embriología Humana, Universidade de Santiago de Compostela

Denys Kurbatov/Shutterstock

En una mágica escena de la película Ratatouille (2007), el crítico gastronómico Anton Ego, famoso por su carácter hostil y oscuro, viaja instantáneamente al pasado al probar un plato que le revive su infancia. No fueron necesarias imágenes; solo un aroma.

El olfato es el más silencioso de nuestros sentidos, pero también uno de los más poderosos. Puede abrir de golpe la puerta a recuerdos que creíamos olvidados.

También es el más personal y subjetivo. De ahí que sea tan difícil establecer un ranking de los mejores olores. Donde sí parece haber consenso es en el “peor olor del mundo”, y no son sus zapatos. En 1889, en un laboratorio alemán, tras una reacción química con un compuesto químico llamado tioacetona se produjo un hedor tan terrible que causó vómitos y desmayos a kilómetros de distancia, obligando a evacuar la ciudad de Friburgo. Se desconoce en qué se convirtió la tioacetona para generar tal pestilencia, aunque nadie parece interesado en averiguarlo.

¿Pero qué ocurre cuando empieza a fallar? ¿Y si la pérdida de olfato fuera algo más que un síntoma pasajero?

Cuando un aroma habla de lo que sentimos

El olfato es una ventaja evolutiva: nos advierte de peligros invisibles y nos pone en guardia. Pero un aroma también puede influir en nuestras decisiones. Y esto lo saben bien las grandes marcas, que perfuman sus tiendas con fragancias que conectan con nuestras emociones y nos invitan a quedarnos.




Leer más:
La base científica del éxito de los perfumes


Y es que los olores tienen la capacidad despertar recuerdos y emociones intensas. El responsable es el bulbo olfatorio. Esta pequeña región, localizada muy cerca de la nariz, recibe las señales olfativas y las envía a las zonas del cerebro que manejan nuestra memoria y emociones.

Imagen anatómica con la localización del bulbo olfatorio y los nervios olfativos.
Localización del bulbo olfatorio y los nervios olfativos.
MattL_Images/Shutterstock

A pesar de su importancia, el olfato sigue siendo el más desconocido de los sentidos y, a menudo, el más subestimado. Cuando se desvanece, suele pasar desapercibido.

Y no somos conscientes de su importancia hasta que nos falta. Como le ocurrió a Michele Crippa, un afamado supercatador italiano que perdió su “herramienta de trabajo” durante la pandemia. Aunque recuperó el olfato semanas después, empezó su pesadilla particular. Su olfato se había distorsionado: las naranjas olían a plástico quemado, el melocotón a albahaca y la vainilla le daba asco. Posiblemente porque las neuronas de su bulbo olfatorio se habían dañado.

Sin embargo, su ausencia podría significar más: una señal de alerta que nos envía nuestro cerebro desde lo más profundo.

Pérdida de olfato, ¿resfriado o un signo de párkinson?

Todos, en alguna ocasión, nos hemos quedado sin olfato; basta un simple resfriado. Sin embargo, es mucho menos conocido que puede ser un síntoma temprano de enfermedades neurodegenerativas como el alzhéimer o el párkinson. Es más, se sabe desde hace tiempo. Lo sorprendente es que la pérdida ocurre años antes de que aparezcan los síntomas de estas enfermedades.

Entonces, ¿podría servir la pérdida de olfato para predecir el párkinson? Y la respuesta, como buena gallega, es: depende. Vayamos por partes.

Una señal de socorro cuando los olores se desvanecen

Uno de los grandes problemas de las enfermedades neurodegenerativas es que, en el momento de diagnosticarlas, el daño ya está muy avanzado. En el caso de la enfermedad de Parkinson, cuando aparecen los primeros síntomas, como rigidez y temblores, se han perdido más de la mitad de las neuronas que producen dopamina, neurotransmisor que controla el movimiento.

La identificación de síntomas tempranos como la pérdida de olfato –que afecta hasta al 90 % de los pacientes– podría servir como biomarcador, alertándonos de la presencia de la enfermedad. De esta manera sería posible diagnosticarla mucho antes y acceder a tratamientos más efectivos.

El problema es que no es una manifestación exclusiva del párkinson: también puede aparecer con el envejecimiento, el estrés u otras patologías. Y, a menudo, le restamos importancia.

Aún no sabemos con certeza por qué se produce la pérdida de olfato en las enfermedades neurodegenerativas, aunque tenemos algunas pistas. En algunos pacientes de párkinson, la enfermedad podría comenzar en el bulbo olfatorio mucho antes de extenderse a las zonas que controlan el movimiento. La razón es que ciertos virus, pesticidas o toxinas que inhalamos podrían dañarlo y provocar alteraciones de ese sentido.

En el caso de la enfermedad de Alzheimer, los daños podrían empezar en una minúscula región azulada del tallo del encéfalo llamada locus coeruleus, como acaba de revelar un reciente estudio. Este “botón de alerta” nos mantiene despiertos y concentrados y conecta con el bulbo olfatorio, relacionando olores y emociones. Cuando esa comunicación se rompe, se producen problemas de olfato mucho antes de que aparezcan los primeros signos de demencia.

En definitiva, la pérdida de la capacidad de oler no sería un síntoma de la enfermedad en sí misma, sino una señal que nos alerta de que el proceso degenerativo ha comenzado.

El olfato al servicio del diagnóstico: cuando la nariz habla

Cuando un paciente llega a la consulta, no siempre es fácil distinguir entre la enfermedad de Parkinson y otras patologías motoras similares. La pérdida de olfato, combinada con otras pruebas y señales, podría ayudar a confirmar el diagnóstico.

Y no solo eso. Esa señal también podría ayudarnos a predecir su progresión, ya que se relaciona con formas más severas de la enfermedad.

Además, la pérdida de olfato en el párkinson es selectiva. Es decir, los pacientes perciben con normalidad olores agradables como el del chocolate, pero tienen dificultades para captar los neutros o desagradables, como el que emana el jabón, el humo o el caucho.

Otros pacientes, sobre todo mujeres, experimentan algo todavía más extraño: alucinaciones olfativas. Perciben olores “fantasma”, como tabaco o leña quemada, cuando realmente no existen.

Incluso, por increíble que parezca, el párkinson tiene su propio aroma: amaderado y almizclado. Y esto lo sabemos gracias a Joy Milne, una escocesa con un olfato extraordinario que logró reconocer este olor particular en su marido, afectado por la enfermedad.

La pérdida de olfato puede parecer solo una cuestión de “nariz”, pero en realidad es una ventana abierta al cerebro, y la ciencia lo sabe. Gracias a ella podremos asomarnos para descifrar sus secretos. Y esa valiosa información nos ayudará a cuidar y mejorar la calidad de vida de quienes padecen estas enfermedades.

The Conversation

Jannette Rodríguez Pallares es miembro de la Sociedad Española de Neurociencia y recibe fondos de investigación del Ministerio de Ciencia, Innovación y Universidades. El grupo de investigación del que forma parte recibe fondos de investigación del Ministerio de Ciencia, Innovación y Universidades, Xunta de Galicia y FEDER.

ref. Doctora, no puedo oler: ¿tengo párkinson? – https://theconversation.com/doctora-no-puedo-oler-tengo-parkinson-264946

From anime to activism: How the ‘One Piece’ pirate flag became the global emblem of Gen Z resistance

Source: The Conversation – Global Perspectives – By Nuurrianti Jalli, Assistant Professor of Professional Practice, School of Media and Strategic Communications, Oklahoma State University

The Jolly Roger of the Straw Hat Pirates is flown during a protest in Rome. Vincenzo Nuzzolese/SOPA Images/LightRocket via Getty Images

From Paris and Rome to Jakarta, Indonesia, and New York, a curious banner has appeared in protest squares. With hollow cheeks, a broad grin and a straw hat with a red band, the figure is instantly recognizable and has been hoisted by young demonstrators calling for change. In Kathmandu, Nepal, where anger at the government boiled over in September 2025, the flag became the defining image as flames spread through the gates of Singha Durbar, Nepal’s ornate palace complex and seat of power.

A skull-and-crossbones flag is seen in front of a blazing building
The Straw Hat Pirates’ Jolly Roger flies in front of the Singha Durbar after people set fire to the seat of Nepal government in Kathmandu.
Sunil Pradhan/Anadolu via Getty Images

The image, usually adorning a flag with a black background, comes from “One Piece,” a much-beloved Japanese manga.

And what began as a fictional pirate crew’s emblem almost three decades ago has become a powerful symbol of youth-led resistance, appearing in demonstrations from Indonesia and Nepal to the Philippines and France.

As a scholar of media and democracy, I see the spread of the Jolly Roger of the Straw Hats Pirates – which has gone from manga pages to protest squares – as an example of how Gen Z is reshaping the cultural vocabulary of dissent.

Protesters, some in masks, hold aloft a flag with a skull in a straw hat.
Filipinos wave a ‘One Piece’ flag as they take part in a protest against corruption at Rizal Park on Sept. 21, 2025, in Manila.
Ezra Acayan/Getty Images

Pop culture as political expression

“One Piece” arrived at the birth of Gen-Z, created in 1997 by Japanese manga artist Eiichiro Oda.

Since then, it has sold more than 500 million copies and has a Guinness World Record for its publishing success.

It has spawned a long-running TV series, live-action films and a more-than-US$20 billion industry, with merchandise licensing alone generating about $720 million each year from Bandai Namco, the company best known for creating Pac-Man and Tekken.

At its core, “One Piece” follows Monkey D. Luffy and his crew, the Straw Hat Pirates, as they challenge a corrupt world government while seeking freedom and adventure.

For fans, the “One Piece” flag is not a casual decoration but an emblem of defiance and perseverance. Luffy’s ability to stretch beyond physical limits after consuming a magical fruit has become a powerful metaphor for resilience, while his unwavering quest for freedom against impossible odds resonates with young people navigating political environments marked by corruption, inequality and authoritarian excess.

When protesters adopt this flag, they are not simply importing an aesthetic from popular culture, but are drawing on a narrative already legible to millions.

The flag began cropping up in protests over the past few years. It was being waved at a “Free Palestine” protest in 2023 in Indonesia and in the same year in New York during a pro-Palestinian demonstration.

But it was in Indonesia in August 2025 that the flag’s political life truly took hold. There, protesters embraced it to voice frustration with government policies and mounting discontent over corruption and inequality. The timing coincided with government calls for patriotic displays during independence celebrations, sharpening the contrast between official nationalism and grassroots dissent.

Two people on a moped drive over a mural showing a skull and crossbones in a hat.
One Piece’s Jolly Roger flag became synonymous with Indonesian protests in August 2025.
Dika/AFP via Getty Images

The movement gained momentum when authorities responded with strong criticism of the flag’s use, inadvertently drawing more attention to the symbol. Government officials characterized the displays as threats to national unity, while protesters viewed them as legitimate expressions of political frustration.

Why the flag travels

The speed with which the “One Piece” Jolly Roger flag spread across borders reflects the digital upbringing of Gen Z. This is the first cohort to grow up fully online, immersed in memes, anime and global entertainment franchises. Their political communication relies on what scholars call “networked publics” – communities that form and act through digital platforms rather than formal organizations.

Solidarity in this setting does not require party membership or ideology. Instead, it depends on shared cultural references. A meme, gesture or flag can instantly carry meaning across divides of language, religion or geography. This form of connection is built on recognizable cultural codes that allow young people to identify with each other even when their political systems differ.

Social media gives this solidarity reach and speed. Videos of Indonesians waving the flag were clipped and reshared on TikTok and Instagram, reaching audiences far beyond their original context. By the time the symbol appeared in Kathmandu, the Nepalese capital, in September, it already carried the aura of youthful defiance.

Crucially, this was not simple imitation. In Nepal, the flag was tied to anger at youth unemployment and at the ostentatious wealth of political dynasties displayed online. In Indonesia, it reflected disillusionment with patriotic rituals that felt hollow against a backdrop of corruption. In both cases, the Jolly Roger flag worked like open-source code – adaptable locally but instantly legible elsewhere.

Part of the flag’s effectiveness comes from its ambiguity. Unlike a party logo, the “One Piece” Jolly Roger flag originates in popular culture, which makes it difficult for governments to suppress without appearing authoritarian. During the latest protests in Indonesia, authorities confiscated banners and labeled them treasonous. But such crackdowns only amplified public frustration.

A large flag with a skull and crossbones on it is surrounded by people.
The Jolly Roger flag flies amid protests in the Philippines on Sept. 21, 2025.
@rimurutempestuh/x

Fiction as reality

The “One Piece” flag is not alone in being reimagined as a symbol of resistance.

Across movements worldwide, pop culture and digital culture have become a potent resources for activists. In Chile and Beirut, demonstrators wore Joker masks as a visual shorthand for anger at corruption and inequality. In Thailand, demonstrators turned to “Hamtaro,” a children’s anime about a hamster, parodying its theme song and waving plush toys to lampoon political leaders.

This blending of politics, entertainment and personal identity reflects a hybrid media environment in which symbols drawn from fandom gain power. They are easy to recognize, adapt and defend against state repression.

Yet cultural resonance alone does not explain the appeal. The “One Piece” flag caught on because it captured real-life grievances. In Nepal, where youth unemployment exceeds 20% and migration for work is common, protesters paired the emblem with slogans such as “Gen Z won’t be silent” and “Our future is not for sale.”

In Indonesia, some protesters argued that the national flag was “too sacred” to be flown in a corrupt system, using the pirate banner as a statement of disillusionment.

The spread of the flag also reflects a broader shift in how protest ideas move across borders. In the past, what tended to travel were tactics such as sit-ins, marches or hunger strikes. Today, what circulates fastest are symbols, visual references from global culture that can be adapted to local struggles while remaining instantly recognizable elsewhere.

People walk past a skull-and-crossbones poster.
A ‘One Piece’ flag stuck in front of a high school in France during protests.
Pat Batard/Hans Lucas/AFP via Getty Images

The flag goes global

The flag’s journey from Asian streets to protests in France and Slovakia demonstrates how the grammar of dissent has gone global.

For today’s young activists, culture and politics are inseparable. Digital nativity has produced a generation that communicates grievances through memes, symbols and cultural references that cross borders with ease.

When protesters in Jakarta, Kathmandu or Manila wave the “One Piece” Jolly Roger flag, they are not indulging in play-acting but transforming a cultural icon into a living emblem of defiance.

The Conversation

Nuurrianti Jalli is affiliated with Institute for Southeast Asian Studies (ISEAS) Yusof Ishak Institute Singapore as Non Residential Visiting Fellow for Media, Technology and Society Program.

ref. From anime to activism: How the ‘One Piece’ pirate flag became the global emblem of Gen Z resistance – https://theconversation.com/from-anime-to-activism-how-the-one-piece-pirate-flag-became-the-global-emblem-of-gen-z-resistance-265526

Why Argentina is looking to the Trump administration for a bailout − and what the US Treasury can do to help

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Arturo Porzecanski, Research Fellow, Center for Latin American & Latino Studies, American University

Done deal? U.S. President Donald Trump shakes hands with Argentine counterpart Javier Milei during a bilateral meeting on Sept. 23, 2025. Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

President Donald Trump vowed to help out his Argentine counterpart Javier Milei on Sept. 23, 2025, a day after the U.S. administration said “all options” were on the table in regard to a bailout for the Latin American country’s rocky economy.

A day after Trump and Milei’s meeting on the sidelines of the United Nations General Assembly in New York, U.S. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent said he was prepared to lend Argentina up to US$20 billion via currency swaps and bond purchases.

But what caused Milei to go hat in hand to the U.S. in the first place? And what would a U.S. bailout of Argentina look like? For answers, The Conversation turned to Arturo Porzecanski, an expert on Latin American economies at American University.

Why is the Argentine government seeking a bail out?

The event that sparked discussion of U.S. intervention was a sharp sell-off of the Argentine currency, the peso, as well as the country’s stocks and bonds.

Over the course of three days ending on Sept. 19, the country’s central bank spent over $1 billion of its hard-currency reserves defending the Argentine peso from further depreciation. To be sure, instead of dialing up his contacts in the Trump administration, Milei could have allowed the currency to find its market-clearing value – that is, the price at which supply and demand match.

Alternatively, he could have kept up the effort to stabilize the peso by spending still more billions of dollars previously borrowed from the International Monetary Fund.

However, he decided to call Washington and ask for financial support, hoping that the friendship with Trump he has been cultivating from even before Milei was elected would finally pay off.

The Argentine authorities fear that a sharper depreciation will reignite expectations of high inflation, and they also wish to conserve those IMF funds to help cover nearly $20 billion in interest and principal payments on dollar debts coming due in the next 15 months. The Argentine government would also rather not have the central bank raise interest rates by tightening monetary policy still more, nor implement additional cuts in government spending given that the economy is either stagnant or already in a recession.

Argentina’s economy got here because prior to Milei taking office in December 2023, his predecessor applied very loose monetary and fiscal policies – such as keeping interest rates low and spending high to stimulate the economy – as well as business-unfriendly regulations. That rocketed annual inflation into triple digits and led to the crumbling of confidence among domestic and foreign investors, thus complicating the government’s ability to refinance its maturing debt obligations.

While Milei reversed many of those harmful policies during the course of 2024, notably achieving a balanced government budget and a sharp deceleration of inflation, his popular support and confidence in his ability to manage the country’s remaining challenges have weakened in recent months.

A woman casts a vote into a box.
Argentine voters handed President Javier Milei a political blow in legislative elections on Sept. 7, 2025.
Tobias Skarlovnik/Getty Images

The economy has stalled, with job losses and unemployment rising. Phone recordings suggesting corruption involving the president’s family were released. And Milei’s party did surprisingly poorly in recent elections that took place in the large province of Buenos Aires. With midterm congressional elections scheduled for Oct. 26, Milei badly needs political and financial support from the Trump administration in order to stabilize the local financial markets and project a sense of order.

What options are there for the US to help Argentina?

The U.S. government has already been unusually supportive of Argentina from its dominant positions on the board of directors of the IMF, World Bank and Inter-American Development Bank. Earlier this year, it helped the country to secure from them pledges and disbursements worth tens of billions of dollars in new loans.

What is very new and different now is the prospect of direct lending from the U.S. Treasury to the government of Argentina. As previewed by Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent on Sept. 24, his team is currently in negotiations with their counterparts in Argentina for a $20 billion swap line, which presumably would involve the Treasury’s temporary purchase of Argentine pesos in exchange for the delivery of U.S. dollars. This could possibly be supplemented by the Treasury’s temporary purchase of Argentine government bonds, likely payable in dollars, whether newly issued or already in circulation.

Bessent’s announcement, coming on the heels of Trump’s vow to help out his Argentine counterpart, has prompted local and foreign investors to regain confidence in Argentina, such that beaten-up stocks and bonds have bounced back and the currency has appreciated.

This immediate and enthusiastic market response, if sustained, means that the Treasury may not have to spend too many billions of U.S. dollars to boost public confidence in Milei and Argentina, at least until the upcoming midterm elections.

Should Milei’s party do well in the late-October contest, enabling it to gain seats in the House and Senate and thus have more political support in the national legislature, a relatively small and temporary investment may yield a worthwhile payoff for the Trump and Milei administrations.

Why is the US keen on helping out?

Normally the U.S. government does not involve itself directly in foreign bailouts unless a country is systemically important – namely, when its troubles affect its neighbors, a number of other countries, or the United States itself.

For example, in the 1990s the U.S. Treasury offered direct support to other countries during crises in Mexico, East Asia and Russia, and in 1995 Argentina was one of the beneficiaries. And in 2008, in the wake of the global financial crisis, the Fed made available dollars in exchange for the currencies of about a dozen foreign countries – currency swaps mainly with European countries but also with Brazil, Canada and Mexico, since the meltdown affected Washington’s North American neighbors and many nations in Europe.

Moreover, in most cases, whatever Treasury or Fed funding is made available is soon repaid by upcoming loans from institutions such as the IMF and the World Bank, or else by major banks or institutional investors. In other words, most U.S. official support has been of the “bridge lending” kind, because the Treasury and the Fed can act within days, whereas other financial actors require weeks or even months to approve and disburse funding.

In the case of Argentina, it is notable that Bessent has stated that Argentina is systemically important, even though its troubles have so far not affected any other country. Left unsaid is how Argentina would repay the U.S. Treasury, because the pipeline of upcoming disbursements from official international organizations is not very large.

Therefore, the funds under discussion are not clear bridges to anything. In similar circumstances in the past, the U.S. Treasury has sought payment guarantees from foreign governments. Given the transactional approach favored by Trump, certain conditions may be demanded from Argentina – a country endowed with lithium, rare earths, shale oil and other resources.

What is the US Treasury’s Exchange Stabilization Fund?

The Exchange Stabilization Fund is the Treasury’s crisis-funding vehicle through which the bridging loan to prop up the Argentine currency would be made.

The fund was established in the mid-1930s. It was endowed with the profits that the U.S. Treasury realized when the official price of gold rose from $20.67 to $35 per ounce, increasing the value of U.S. government gold holdings.

For several decades through the 1980s, namely before the U.S. currency was allowed to float freely, the fund’s main purpose was to provide the funding for Treasury operations to affect the price of the dollar. A secondary purpose was to provide short-term, government-to-government loans mainly to Latin American countries, yet starting in the mid-1990s this became its primary objective.

The last Exchange Stabilization Fund loan was granted to Uruguay in mid-2002, in the wake of a major financial crisis in next-door Argentina that had triggered a bank run in Uruguay – and threatened to spread elsewhere around the region. The Treasury sent $1.5 million to Uruguay on a Monday to back at least the government-owned banks, and the funds were returned to Washington that same Friday. The bank run was stopped and thus the loan succeeded magnificently.

The Conversation

Arturo Porzecanski does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Why Argentina is looking to the Trump administration for a bailout − and what the US Treasury can do to help – https://theconversation.com/why-argentina-is-looking-to-the-trump-administration-for-a-bailout-and-what-the-us-treasury-can-do-to-help-265924

Paracetamol use during pregnancy not linked to autism, our study of 2.5 million children shows

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Renee Gardner, Principal Researcher, Department of Public Health Sciences, Karolinska Institutet

Andrey_Popov/Shutterstock

United States President Donald Trump recently claimed that using the common painkiller acetaminophen (also known as paracetamol and by the brand name Tylenol in the US) during pregnancy is fuelling the rise in autism diagnoses. He then went on to suggest pregnant women should “tough it out” rather than use the common painkiller if they experience fever or pain.

This announcement has caused alarm and confusion worldwide. But despite Trump’s claim, there is no strong scientific evidence to back it up. Our study of nearly 2.5 million births in Sweden published in 2024 shows no evidence that acetaminophen use during pregnancy increases a child’s risk of autism. This is the largest study conducted on the subject to date.

To understand whether acetaminophen really poses a risk in pregnancy, we turned to Sweden’s national health registers, which are among the most comprehensive in the world. Our study followed nearly 2.5 million children born between 1995 and 2019, tracking them for up to 26 years.

Using prescription records and interviews that midwives conducted during prenatal visits, we could see which mothers reported using acetaminophen (about 7.5% of pregnancies) and which did not.

We also made sure to account for any variables that may have affected the results of our statistical analysis – including controlling for health factors, such as fever or pain, which would have influenced whether or not a mother used acetaminophen during her pregnancy. This was to ensure a more fair comparison between the two groups.

We then looked at the children’s neurodevelopmental outcomes – specifically whether they were diagnosed with autism, ADHD or an intellectual disability.

The real strength of our study came from being able to compare siblings. This allowed us to compare children born to the same mother, where acetaminophen had been used during one child’s pregnancy but not the other. We compared over 45,000 sibling pairs, where at least one sibling had an autism diagnosis.

This sibling design is powerful because siblings share much of their genetics and family environment. This allows us to tease apart whether the drug itself – rather than underlying family traits or health conditions – is responsible for any apparent risks for neurodevelopmental outcomes.

Acetaminophen use

When we first looked at the entire population, we saw a pattern that echoed earlier studies: children whose mothers reported using acetaminophen during pregnancy were slightly more likely to be diagnosed with autism, ADHD or an intellectual disability.

But once we ran the sibling comparisons, that association completely disappeared. In other words, when we compared sets of siblings where one was exposed in the womb to acetaminophen and one was not, there was no difference in their likelihood of later being diagnosed with autism, ADHD or an intellectual disability.

A pregnant woman holds a glass of water in one hands and a pill in the other hand.
Our study found no association with acetaminophen use during pregnancy and a child’s risk of being diagnosed with autism.
Dragana Gordic/ Shutterstock

Our study is not the only one to put this question to the test. Researchers in Japan recently published a study using a similar sibling-comparison design, and their results closely matched ours.

Importantly, they replicated our findings in a population with a different genetic background and where patterns of acetaminophen use during pregnancy are quite different. Nearly 40% of mothers in Japan reported using the drug during pregnancy. In comparison, less than 10% of Swedish mothers had used it.

Despite these differences, the conclusion was the same. When siblings are compared, there is no evidence that acetaminophen use during pregnancy increases the risk of autism or ADHD.

These findings mark an important shift from earlier studies, which relied on more limited data, used smaller cohorts and didn’t account for genetic differences. They also did not fully account for why some mothers used pain relief during pregnancy while others didn’t.

For example, mothers who take acetaminophen are more likely to also have migraines, chronic pain, fever or serious infections. These are conditions that are themselves genetically linked to autism or ADHD, as well as a child’s likelihood of later being diagnosed with one of these conditions.

These types of “confounding factors” can create associations that look convincing on the surface, but may not reflect a true cause-and-effect relationship.

That brings us to the real question on many people’s minds: what does this mean if you’re pregnant and dealing with pain or fever?

It’s important to recognise that untreated illness during pregnancy can be dangerous. A high fever in pregnancy, for example, is known to increase the risk of complications for both mother and baby. “Toughing it out,” as the president suggested, is not a risk-free option.

That’s why professional medical organisations such as the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists and the UK’s Medicines and Healthcare products Regulatory Agency continue to recommend acetaminophen (paracetamol) as the safest fever reducer and pain reliever during pregnancy when used at the lowest effective dose and only when necessary. This has been the guidance for decades.




Read more:
Paracetamol, pregnancy and autism: what the science really shows


Of course, if someone finds themselves needing to take acetaminophen regularly over a longer period of time, that’s a decision best made in consultation with their doctor or midwife. But the idea that acetaminophen use during pregnancy causes autism simply isn’t supported by the best available science.

The greater danger is that alarmist messaging will discourage pregnant women from treating pain or fever – putting both themselves and their babies at risk.

The Conversation

Renee Gardner receives funding from the Swedish Research Council; the Swedish Research Council for Health, Working Life, and Welfare; and the US NIH.

Brian Lee received funding from the NIH, Pennsylvania Department of Human Services, Department of Defense and Pennsylvania Department of Health CURE SAP, as well as personal fees from Beasley Allen Law Firm, Patterson Belknap Webb & Tyler LLP and AlphaSights.

Viktor H. Ahlqvist receives funding from the Swedish Society for Medical Research

ref. Paracetamol use during pregnancy not linked to autism, our study of 2.5 million children shows – https://theconversation.com/paracetamol-use-during-pregnancy-not-linked-to-autism-our-study-of-2-5-million-children-shows-265919

How the First Amendment protects Americans’ speech − and how it does not

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Ray Brescia, Associate Dean for Research and Intellectual Life, Albany Law School

Demonstrators protest the suspension of the “Jimmy Kimmel Live!” show on Sept. 18, 2025, in Los Angeles, Calif. Photo by Mario Tama/Getty Images

Imagine a protest outside the funeral of a popular political leader, with some of the protesters celebrating the death and holding signs that say things like “God Hates the USA/Thank God for 9/11,” “America is Doomed” and “Don’t Pray for the USA.”

No matter the political leanings of that leader, most Americans would probably abhor such a protest and those signs.

What would tolerate such activities, no matter how distasteful? The First Amendment.

The situation described above is taken from an actual protest, though it did not involve the funeral of a political figure. Instead, members of the Westboro Baptist Church protested outside the funeral of Marine Lance Cpl. Matthew Snyder, a U.S. service member killed in Iraq.

Through demonstrations like this, members of this group were conveying their belief that the U.S. is overly tolerant of those they perceive as sinners, especially people from the LGBTQ community, and that the death of U.S. soldiers should be recognized as divine retribution for such sinfulness.

Snyder’s family sued for intentional infliction of emotional distress, among other claims. A jury issued a US$5 million jury award in favor of the family of the deceased service member. But in a nearly unanimous decision issued in 2011, the U.S. Supreme Court found that the First Amendment insulated the protesters from such a judgment.

This holding is particularly instructive today.

The Trump administration has vowed to crack down on what it calls hate speech. It has labeled antifa, a loosely organized anti-fascist group, a terrorist organization. And it has sought to punish figures such as TV host Jimmy Kimmel for statements perceived critical of conservative activists.

What the First Amendment makes clear is that it does not just protect the rights of speakers who say things with which Americans agree. Or, as the Supreme Court said in a separate decision it issued one year after the case involving the funeral protesters: “The Nation well knows that one of the costs of the First Amendment is that it protects the speech we detest as well as the speech we embrace.”

But free speech is not absolute. As a legal scholar who has studied political movements, free speech and privacy, I realize the government can regulate speech through what are known as “reasonable time, place, and manner” restrictions. These limits cannot depend upon the content of the speech or expressive conduct in which a speaker is engaged, however.

For example, the government can ban campfires in an area prone to wildfires. But if it banned the burning of the U.S. flag only as a form of political protest, that would be an unconstitutional restriction on speech.

Protected and unprotected speech

There are certain categories of speech that are not entitled to First Amendment protection. They include incitement to violence, obscenity, defamation and what are considered “true threats.”

When, for example, someone posts threats on social media with reckless disregard for whether they will instill legitimate fear in their target, such posts are not a protected form of speech. Similarly, burning a cross on someone’s property as a means of striking terror in them such that they fear bodily harm also represents this kind of true threat.

There are also violations of the law that are sometimes prosecuted as “hate crimes,” criminal acts driven by some discriminatory motive. In these cases, it’s generally not the perpetrator’s beliefs that are punished but the fact that they act on them and engage in some other form of criminal conduct, as when someone physically assaults their victim based on that victim’s race or religion. Such motives can increase the punishment people receive for the underlying criminal conduct.

Speech that enjoys the strongest free-speech protections is that which is critical of government policies and leaders. As the Supreme Court said in 1966, “There is practically universal agreement that a major purpose of (the First) Amendment was to protect the free discussion of governmental affairs.”

As the late Justice Antonin Scalia would explain in 2003, “The right to criticize the government” is at “the heart of what the First Amendment is meant to protect.”

Restrictions on government action

The First Amendment prevents the government from taking direct action to curtail speech by, for example, trying to prevent the publication of material critical of it. Americans witnessed this in the Pentagon Papers case, where the Supreme Court ruled that the government could not prevent newspapers from publishing a leaked – and politically damaging – study on U.S. military involvement in Vietnam.

But it also applies when the government acts in indirect ways, such as threatening to investigate a media company or cutting funding for a university based on politically disfavored action or inaction.

In 2024 the Supreme Court ruled unanimously that the state of New York’s efforts to punish companies that did business with the National Rifle Association because of the organization’s political positions violated the group’s First Amendment rights.

Similarly, in recent months, courts have ruled on First Amendment grounds against Trump administration efforts to punish law firms or to withhold funds from Harvard University.

And just last week, a federal court in Florida threw out a lawsuit filed by President Trump against The New York Times seeking $15 billion for alleged harm to the president’s investments and reputation.

Nevertheless, some people fear government retribution for criticizing the administration. And some, like the TV network ABC, have engaged in speech-restricting action on their own, such as taking Kimmel temporarily off the air for his comments critical of conservative activists in the wake of Charlie Kirk’s killing.

Before Kimmel’s suspension, Federal Communications Commission Chairman Brendan Carr described his negotiations with ABC’s parent company, Disney, to take action against him. “We could do this the easy way or the hard way,” Carr said. And Trump said that some media companies might “lose their license” for criticizing the president. It is encouraging that, in the face of these threats, ABC has reversed course and agreed to put Kimmel back on the air.

A man listens to reporters.
President Trump speaks to reporters aboard Air Force One after attending a memorial service for conservative activist Charlie Kirk in Glendale, Ariz., on Sept. 21, 2025.
AP Photo/Julia Demaree Nikhinson

The First Amendment protects speech across the political spectrum, even speech Americans do not like. Both liberal comedian Jon Stewart and conservative commentator Tucker Carlson have recently agreed on this. As Carlson said recently, “If they can tell you what to say, they’re telling you what to think. … There is nothing they can’t do to you because they don’t consider you human.”

Just last year in the NRA case referenced above, the Supreme Court clearly stated that even indirect government efforts to curtail protected speech are indeed unconstitutional. In light of that ruling, efforts to limit criticism of the administration, any administration, should give all Americans, regardless of their political views, great pause.

The Conversation

Ray Brescia does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. How the First Amendment protects Americans’ speech − and how it does not – https://theconversation.com/how-the-first-amendment-protects-americans-speech-and-how-it-does-not-265655

Is meat masculine? How men really talk about being carnivores

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Annayah Prosser, Assistant Professor in Marketing, Business and Society, University of Bath

Cast Of Thousands/Shutterstock

There are lots of good reasons not to eat meat or dairy products. It might be for your health or for the sake of the environment. Or you might have moral concerns about consuming animals.

Yet many of us continue to eat meat, especially men, who eat more of it than women, and are less likely to opt for a vegetarian or vegan diet.

So is there a link between meat consumption and perceptions of masculinity? Does the mindset of the prehistoric caveman hunter live on in today’s restaurants and weekend barbecues?

To explore this idea, my colleagues and I conducted a survey of more than 1,000 men in the UK, which revealed that social ideas involving “avoidance of femininity” and status were indeed linked to higher levels of meat-eating and a notion that meat is masculine.

The survey showed that those sympathetic to traditional masculine norms consumed more red meat and poultry, and were less keen to part from the meat and dairy in their diet. We then followed up with some of the men who had high levels of “meat attachment” to join an online discussion, and used remotely moderated focus groups to listen in on their conversations about their diets.

So what did they talk about?

More often than not, men were reluctant to talk about the role of gender in meat consumption, or completely rejected the notion that there was any link, with one participant in his thirties saying: “I don’t think gender influences what I eat at all. If there’s something I want [to eat] I’ll just have it.”

He went on: “There’s no such thing as a manly or womanly dish if you ask me. It’s just food, so it’s literally got zero influence on whether I’d eat something or not.”

For others, the relationship between meat and masculinity was more complex. Some men noted for example that the women in their lives were more likely to reduce their meat consumption.

One man in his forties, said: “I live with five women and most of them would happily not eat meat at all. Also [the female] partners of quite a lot of my friends don’t eat a lot of meat. They would happily eat no meat at all. Whereas all of us [men], you know, we like our meat.”

For others, the link between meat and masculinity was explicit, with meat consumption linked to status within social groups. John, in his forties, commented on the obligation he sometimes feels when dining with what he called “alpha males” to “always go for a meat dish or a steak or something like that”.

He added: “Maybe I feel a slight obligation to go down [the meat] route sort of subconsciously. I’ve probably felt I need to have a steak here or need to have something that [perhaps] shows my masculinity.

“I feel sort of safer behind choosing something like that rather than, say, a pasta or a salad-based dish.”

What’s at stake?

We also found mention of an idea revealed in other research which describes meat being commonly understood in terms of “four Ns”: “natural”, “normal”, “necessary” and “nice”. These kinds of values came up in our groups’ discussions, but rarely applied to discussions of plant-based meat and dairy alternatives, which men seemed to consider “unnatural”, “insufficient” and “not nice”.

One participant in his twenties commented: “Chicken will just say ‘chicken’ on the back, whereas a plant-based [alternative to chicken] would have something like glycolic acid or something. I have no idea what that is.”

Another man commented: “I think if you switched maybe most of the time or full time to plant based diets, would you be missing out on certain nutrients?”

Man turning burgers on a grill.
Manning the barbecue.
PeopleImages/Shutterstock

A fellow meat eater added: “The meat alternative options never taste very nice.

“I’ve always found that they just taste really bland [and] it’s an unusual texture.”

It was difficult for many of the men in our groups to imagine consuming a fully plant-based diet. They often spoke of extreme or specific situations as the only situations in which they would consider doing so.

“I’d need the doctor to tell me you’ve got six months [to live],” said one man in his fifties.

Another in his forties explained: “It would only really be health-related stuff. If someone said to me you’re gonna have to [cut down on meat] or it’s going to knock years off your life.”

One participant in the 18-29 age bracket said a meat diet was heavily linked to his social life where his friends relied on meat for protein because of their fitness regimes.

He said: “I would have to change my friends [if I stopped eating meat]. Basically, I have friends who are gym rats, who love to go to the gym together, who love to do strength training. So I would have to change my friends to people who are probably agriculturists – and have more interest in plants.”

These and many other contributions led us to conclude that men can have a mixed –and often contradictory – understanding of the role of gender in their food choices. And while our survey data reveals a strong link between masculinity and diet, our focus group data casts doubt on whether men are generally aware of this connection.

The Conversation

The research study reported here was funded by ProVeg International, a food awareness organisation working to transform the global food system. ProVeg had no role in the study in terms of design, analysis, and reporting. Annayah Prosser’s contributions to the project were not funded by ProVeg and she reports no conflicting interests.

ref. Is meat masculine? How men really talk about being carnivores – https://theconversation.com/is-meat-masculine-how-men-really-talk-about-being-carnivores-265236

Information could be a fundamental part of the universe – and may explain dark energy and dark matter

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Florian Neukart, Assistant professor of Physics, Leiden University

Credits: ESA/Webb, NASA & CSA, G. Östlin, P. G. Perez-Gonzalez, J. Melinder, the JADES Collaboration, M. Zamani (ESA/Webb), CC BY-SA

For more than a century, physics has been built on two great theories. Einstein’s general relativity explains gravity as the bending of space and time.

Quantum mechanics governs the world of particles and fields. Both work brilliantly in their own domains. But put them together and contradictions appear – especially when it comes to black holes, dark matter, dark energy and the origins of the cosmos.

My colleagues and I have been exploring a new way to bridge that divide. The idea is to treat information – not matter, not energy, not even spacetime itself – as the most fundamental ingredient of reality. We call this framework the quantum memory matrix (QMM).

At its core is a simple but powerful claim: spacetime is not smooth, but discrete – made of tiny “cells”, which is what quantum mechanics suggests. Each cell can store a quantum imprint of every interaction, like the passage of a particle or even the influence of a force such as electromagnetism or nuclear interactions, that passes through. Each event leaves behind a tiny change in the local quantum state of the spacetime cell.

In other words, the universe does not just evolve. It remembers.

The story begins with the black hole information paradox. According to relativity, anything that falls into a black hole is gone forever. According to quantum theory, that is impossible. Information cannot be ever destroyed.

QMM offers a way out. As matter falls in, the surrounding spacetime cells record its imprint. When the black hole eventually evaporates, the information is not lost. It has already been written into spacetime’s memory.

This mechanism is captured mathematically by what we call the imprint operator, a reversible rule that makes information conservation work out. At first, we applied this to gravity. But then we asked: what about the other forces of nature? It turns out they fit the same picture.

Black hole. Elements of this image furnished by NASA.
Could quantum memory explain what happens to information in a black hole?
PatinyaS/Shutterstock

In our models assuming that spacetime cells exist, the strong and weak nuclear forces, which hold atomic nuclei together, also leave traces in spacetime. Later, we extended the framework to electromagnetism (although this paper is currently being peer reviewed). Even a simple electric field changes the memory state of spacetime cells.

Explaining dark matter and dark energy

That led us to a broader principle that we call the geometry-information duality. In this view, the shape of spacetime is influenced not just by mass and energy, as Einstein taught us, but also by how quantum information is distributed, especially through entanglement. Entanglement is a quantum feature in which two particles, for example, can be spookily connected, meaning that if you change the state of one, you automatically and immediately also change the other – even if it’s light years away.

This shift in perspective has dramatic consequences. In one study, currently under peer review, we found that clumps of imprints behave just like dark matter, an unknown substance that makes up most of the matter in the universe. They cluster under gravity and explain the motion of galaxies – which appear to orbit at unexpectedly high speeds – without needing any exotic new particles.

In another, we showed how dark energy might emerge too. When spacetime cells are saturated, they cannot record new, independent information. Instead, they contribute to a residual energy of spacetime. Interestingly, this leftover contribution has the same mathematical form as the “cosmological constant”, or dark energy, which is making the universe expand at an accelerated rate.

Its size matches the observed dark energy that drives cosmic acceleration. Together, these results suggest that dark matter and dark energy may be two sides of the same informational coin.

A cyclic universe?

But if spacetime has finite memory, what happens when it fills up? Our latest cosmological paper, accepted for publication in The Journal of Cosmology and Astroparticle Physics, points to a cyclic universe – being born and dying over and over. Each cycle of expansion and contraction deposits more entropy – a measure of disorder – into the ledger. When the bound is reached, the universe “bounces” into a new cycle.

Reaching the bound means spacetime’s information capacity (entropy) is maxed out. At that point, contraction cannot continue smoothly. The equations show that instead of collapsing to a singularity, the stored entropy drives a reversal, leading to a new phase of expansion. This is what we describe as a “bounce”.

By comparing the model to observational data, we estimate that the universe has already gone through three or four cycles of expansion and contraction, with fewer than ten remaining. After the remaining cycles are completed, the informational capacity of spacetime would be fully saturated. At that point, no further bounces occur. Instead, the universe would enter a final phase of slowing expansion.

That makes the true “informational age” of the cosmos about 62 billion years, not just the 13.8 billion years of our current expansion.

So far, this might sound purely theoretical. But we have already tested parts of QMM on today’s quantum computers. We treated qubits, the basic units of quantum computers, as tiny spacetime cells. Using imprint and retrieval protocols based on the QMM equations, we recovered the original quantum states with over 90% accuracy.

This showed us two things. First, that the imprint operator works on real quantum systems. Second, it has practical benefits. By combining imprinting with conventional error-correction codes, we significantly reduced logical errors. That means QMM might not only explain the cosmos, but also help us build better quantum computers.

QMM reframes the universe as both a cosmic memory bank and a quantum computer. Every event, every force, every particle leaves an imprint that shapes the evolution of the cosmos. It ties together some of the deepest puzzles in physics, from the information paradox to dark matter and dark energy, from cosmic cycles to the arrow of time.

And it does so in a way that can already be simulated and tested in the lab. Whether QMM proves to be the final word or a stepping stone, it opens a startling possibility: the universe may not only be geometry and energy. It is also memory. And in that memory, every moment of cosmic history may still be written.

The Conversation

Florian Neukart does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Information could be a fundamental part of the universe – and may explain dark energy and dark matter – https://theconversation.com/information-could-be-a-fundamental-part-of-the-universe-and-may-explain-dark-energy-and-dark-matter-265415

Russia is turning to African women and conscripted North Koreans to tackle its defence worker shortage

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Jennifer Mathers, Senior Lecturer in International Politics, Aberystwyth University

US president Donald Trump has said Ukraine could win back all of the territory it has lost in the ongoing war, but Russia’s president Vladimir Putin shows no signs of wanting a peace deal, or reducing the military offensive.

Instead, night after night Russia continues to launch hundreds of drones and missiles at Ukraine, killing civilians and destroying homes, public buildings and infrastructure.

Russia can only continue this war if it has enough workers. It has one of the world’s largest armed forces (composed of 1.32 million active military personnel), but its military recruiters face a challenging job in outpacing the enormous losses of soldiers who are killed or seriously injured in Ukraine.

However, the staffing needs of Russia’s military are tiny compared with its defence industry. Russian factories that produce weapons and equipment for the war employ approximately 4 million workers – and they have been suffering from a serious labour shortage.

According to a statement made in the Russian parliament in 2024, the country’s defence industry needs approximately 400,000 more workers than it currently employs.

But how can Russia, with a population of 143 million people have a labour shortage in a sector of the economy that is so crucial for the war?

There are a variety of reasons. An estimated 1 million Russian citizens fled Russia in 2022 – either because they opposed the war in principle or because they wanted to avoid being forced to join the military and fight – or both. Although as many as 45% of those who fled are believed to have returned to Russia over the past three years, that would mean Russia lost approximately 650,000 people from its workforce, at least for the duration of the war and perhaps permanently.

North Korean soldiers captured by Ukrainian forces have talked about the conditions they faced.

Russia’s defence industry is also in direct competition with the army for workers. The Russian state has substantially increased the salaries and various benefits that it offers to new military recruits. Salaries of 200,000 roubles – more than US$2,000 (£1,481) – a month are typical, putting combat soldiers in the top 10% of Russia’s earners.

The defence industry has had to raise the wages it offers during the war, increasing average salaries by 65% between 2022 and 2024, up to about 89,700 roubles per month. New recruits to the military, however, can expect a one-off signing bonus of as much as 4 million roubles in addition to their monthly salary.

Declining birth rate

Demographic patterns also play a part. There was a sharp drop in the birth rate in Russia in the 1990s, which means there are fewer people in their 20s and 30s seeking employment.

The defence industry has introduced a number of initiatives since the start of Russia’s mass invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 to cope with the increased demand for the production of new weapons and equipment along with the need to repair damaged and broken military hardware.

Many facilities are working around the clock: introducing compulsory 12-hour shifts and work weeks of six days on, one day off. Other parts of the defence industry are reportedly using inmates from local prisons to fill staffing gaps, including Uralvagonzavod, which is Russia’s largest manufacturer of tanks.

Russia has turned to ally North Korea to fill some of its military and labour shortages. Thousands of Koreans have been sent to Russia to work in factories and in construction, as part of a deal between Putin and North Korea’s leader Kim Jong-un. There have been reports of “slave labour” conditions and 18-hour days. North Koreans have also been sent to bolster the Russian military.

Attitudes to women

Despite all the shortages, the military industry is not recruiting Russia’s women to work in most roles. Although some Russian women do work in defence industry, labour regulations introduced in the 1970s exclude women from many roles that are important to defence production, such as working with hazardous chemicals or heavy metals.

These restrictions are designed to protect pregnant women and the fertility of future mothers. Considering Putin’s emphasis on increasing the birth rate and on presenting Russia as a bastion of traditional gender roles, this is unlikely to change.




Read more:
Putin forced to send wounded back to fight and offer huge military salaries as Russia suffers a million casualties


However, the reluctance to recruit Russian women into jobs in the defence industry does not extend to women from other countries. Around 200 women, mainly from central and west Africa, have been hired to work in defence industry factories located in the Alabuga special economic zone in Tatarstan, a Russian republic located east of Moscow. Many of these factories build drones assembled from components imported from Iran – weapons that have been used extensively by Russia in its attacks on civilians in Ukraine.

The African women employed to build drones in Tatarstan were recruited through a programme called Alabuga Start, which targets young female migrant workers.

It is advertised extensively on social media, including through paid influencers on TikTok. The salaries offered are high in relation to the wages that these women could earn in their own countries. However, Alabuga Start recruits earn around 40,000 roubles a month – less than half the amount that Russian defence industry workers receive.

The programme is focused on recruiting foreign women for a mix of practical, financial reasons and gender stereotypes. African women will work for less money than Russians. They are also believed to be easier to control than foreign men, while women are perceived to be better than men at tasks that require patience and precision.

The Alabuga Start website appears to offer an attractive package of work experience, on-the-job training, accommodation, Russian language lessons and free flights to Russia. The sectors for employment identified include catering, hospitality and service jobs with no mention of drone assembly.

However, once they arrive, the young women can find themselves living very different lives to those they had anticipated. There are reports of working long hours and exposure to dangerous chemicals, with passports being withheld to prevent women from leaving. For instance, Kenya has launched an investigation into Alabuga Start, which may see the programme shut down in that country.

The difficulties of recruiting and retaining labour for Russia’s defence industry, including bringing in foreign migrant workers and their treatment, reveal some serious weaknesses in Moscow’s military planning. While those are probably not enough to stop Russia’s war effort, they do indicate some of the strains that the war is placing on the country’s economy.

The Conversation

Jennifer Mathers does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Russia is turning to African women and conscripted North Koreans to tackle its defence worker shortage – https://theconversation.com/russia-is-turning-to-african-women-and-conscripted-north-koreans-to-tackle-its-defence-worker-shortage-264731