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July 5, 2025

From pop songs to baby names: How Simeulue Island’s ‘smong’ narrative evolves post-tsunami

Source: The Conversation – Indonesia – By Alfi Rahman, Lecturer at Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Syiah Kuala, Director of Research Center for Social and Cultural Studies (PRISB) Universitas Syiah Kuala, and Researcher at Tsunami and Disaster Mitigation Research Center (TDMRC), Universitas Syiah Kuala

Simelulue men gather to perform ‘nandong,’ a traditional local song. (Jihad fii Sabilillah/Youtube), CC BY

20 years have passed since the Aceh tsunami, leaving deep scars on Indonesia, especially for those directly affected. Aceh was also recovering from a three-decade armed conflict between the Free Aceh Movement and the national government

Throughout December 2024, The Conversation Indonesia, in collaboration with academics, is publishing a special edition honouring the 20 years of efforts to rebuild Aceh. We hope this series of articles preserves our collective memory while inspiring reflection on the journey of recovery and peace in the land of ‘Serambi Makkah.’

Off the southern coast of Aceh lies Simeulue, a small island with a powerful story of survival. When the devastating Indian Ocean tsunami killed hundreds of thousands across the region in 2004, only five people died on Simeulue — some say just three.

This remarkable survival was credited to a local wisdom called smong — their term for tsunamis in the Simeulue language — that taught them to read nature’s warning signs and escape to safety.

Passed down through generations since a previous tsunami struck in 1907, smong describes the signs of an upcoming ghostly wave: a strong earthquake and the receding of seawater. This knowledge becomes a survival guide that directs them to move away from the coast immediately or head to higher ground.

Two decades after the 2004 disaster, our research shows that this life-saving knowledge is transforming, reflecting broader social shifts and information and communication technology development. It is no longer told only through nafi-nafi (oral storytelling) but adapting to new channels, from traditional songs to pop music and even into children’s names.

From tradition to transformation

Our study – spanning from 2016 to 2023 and involving interviews with 18 participants – captures how smong evolves over time. Smong, for instance, finds its way to nandong, Simeulue’s traditional songs that now incorporate lyrics about the life-saving local wisdom. A local artist said:

After the 2004 tsunami, we adapted the smong story into nandong. This became a new way to convey the ‘smong’ message, ensuring it remains relevant and easy to remember.

One popular nandong lyric goes:

Linon uwak-uwakmo (The earthquake rocks you like a cradle)

Elaik kedang-kedangmo (Thunder beats like a drum)

Kilek suluh-suluhmo (Lightning flashes like your lamp)

Smong dumek-dumekmo (The tsunami is your bathing water).

Video containing song or ‘nandong’ about ‘smong’

But even as Simeulue’s younger generation embraced modern influences, smong kept up. Local artists began creating pop songs in Devayan, one of the island’s local languages. The catchy tunes brought smong into classrooms, as a 23-year-old local testified:

I first heard a ‘smong’ song at school. The lyrics were simple but clear. They told me exactly what to do if a tsunami came.

A children’s tale telling a stort about ‘smong’

Smong as a symbol of resilience

Today, smong is more than a safety warning; it symbolises the island’s strength and identity. In some families, smong even lives on in names.

One grandmother named her grandson “Putra Smong” (smong’s son) as a tribute, saying

His name reminds us of the wisdom that saved our lives.

The challenge of preservation

Despite its transformation, preserving the smong narrative faces challenges that risk eroding this customary knowledge.

The biggest challenge is the shift in lifestyle and culture among Simeulue’s youth. Today’s younger generation is more familiar with digital technology than oral traditions. A mother said:

In the past, our elders would tell ‘smong’ stories every evening after Maghrib (dusk) prayers. Now, children are too busy with their gadgets.

Globalisation also brings external cultural influences, diverting the attention of Simeulue’s youth from the local heritage. Many young people grow up with limited knowledge of traditions like nafi-nafi.

Another major challenge is the declining use of local languages such as Devayan, Sigulai, and Lekon in daily conversations. Since smong originates from these languages, preserving it relies on their continued use.

Our observation concludes that the transmission of smong narratives remains sporadic. Its spread often depends on individual or small group initiatives and sometimes awaits external interventions.

Without concrete efforts, the smong narrative risks fading and being forgotten by future generations. A local activist stated:

I once proposed building a ‘smong’ monument to remind the younger generation, but the idea has yet to be realised.

Hope for continuity: Bridging tradition and modernity

The elders of Simeulue firmly believe that smong is a heritage that must be safeguarded. An 80-year-old community elder expressed his hope for future generations to keep smong alive.

As long as the ‘smong’ story exists, we will remain safe. But if this story is lost, we will lose our most precious wisdom and treasure.

To keep smong alive, educators and community leaders are looking to the future. Some propose integrating smong into school curriculum, ensuring every child knows its lessons. A teacher said.

‘Smong’ isn’t just a story. It’s a life-saving guide that must be passed on to every generation.

Technology can also be an important means of preserving the native understa. Digital videos, disaster simulations, and interactive storytelling could bring smong to a tech-savvy audience, making it relevant today.

As we hope these approaches will bridge the old tradition with modern needs, smong transformation highlights that it is not just a relic from the past. Its narrative must evolve to adapt to the times, ensuring its treasured knowledge remains alive amid social changes.

In the face of ongoing disaster threats, particularly in Indonesia’s Ring of Fire, smong offers a valuable lesson on how preserving local wisdom can form the foundation for disaster preparedness.

Alfi Rahman receives funding from the Ministry of Education, Culture, Research and Technology of Indonesia for this research (grant number 0168/E5/PG.02.00.PL/2023 and 094/E5/PG.02.00.PL/2024).

Muzayin Nazaruddin tidak bekerja, menjadi konsultan, memiliki saham, atau menerima dana dari perusahaan atau organisasi mana pun yang akan mengambil untung dari artikel ini, dan telah mengungkapkan bahwa ia tidak memiliki afiliasi selain yang telah disebut di atas.

– ref. From pop songs to baby names: How Simeulue Island’s ‘smong’ narrative evolves post-tsunami – https://theconversation.com/from-pop-songs-to-baby-names-how-simeulue-islands-smong-narrative-evolves-post-tsunami-246153

July 5, 2025

Acehnese women: Crucial role in peacebuilding overlooked, discriminated by local regulations

Source: The Conversation – Indonesia – By Suraiya Kamaruzzaman, Dosen Fakultas Teknik / Kepala Pusat Riset Perubahan Iklim USK, Universitas Syiah Kuala

Acehnese women have long been integral to the history of their region, particularly after the 2004 tsunami, one of Indonesia’s deadliest natural disasters, and the Helsinki Peace Agreement, which ended years of conflict between the government and the Free Aceh Movement (GAM). Despite their crucial contributions to rebuilding and fostering peace, women in Aceh still face major challenges in ensuring that the peace achieved includes their needs and rights.

Their efforts often go unrecognised, and the policies that shape their lives fail to address their realities. In some cases, these policies actively discriminate against women.

Policies that marginalise women

As the conflict in Aceh escalated into firefights, lasting over a decade of 1989-2005, many women became primary breadwinners, ensuring their children’s education and providing emotional support to their families. Around 2,000 women actively participated in the fight, picking up arms as combatants.

In the years following the 2004 tsunami and the 2005 Helsinki Peace Agreement, some progress was made to include women in policy-making processes. However, the outcomes have been unremarkable. Policies implemented after the peace agreement rarely put women’s needs first or acknowledged their efforts.

For instance, Aceh’s 2009 Qanun–a regulation unique to Aceh–aims to promote women’s empowerment and protection, but its implementation remains weak. Women have little say in decision-making, and their representation in province, district, and city-level leadership posts remains minimal.

Here are some examples of how women in Aceh have been sidelined in decision-making, discriminated against in their daily lives and frequently harassed:

Absent in politics: In 2017, only one woman was elected deputy mayor among 23 district leaders. Similarly, just two out of 65 top provincial officials were women. These figures reflect a stark imbalance, especially when compared to the substantial roles women played during the conflict and its aftermath.
Clothing guideline: Regulations ostensibly implemented under Islamic law often restrict women’s freedoms. For example, West Aceh’s 2010 regulation requires women to wear skirts, prohibiting the use of trousers despite their roots in traditional Aceh’s attire. Women become subjects of public inspection, and violations ends with them not receiving public services that should be open for any citizens.
Discriminatory norms and limiting women’s freedom: In Lhokseumawe, a 2013 circular mandated women ride sidesaddle on motorcycles, even though such a position increases the risk of accidents. Similarly, a 2018 directive in Bireuen forbids women from being served in cafes after 9 PM without a male guardian and bans women from sitting with unrelated men.
Gender-based violence: Aceh also faces high rates of violence against women. Between 2019 and 2023, more than 5,000 cases of violence against women and children were reported. Shockingly, Aceh has the highest number of rape cases in Indonesia.
Insufficient support for victims: Despite the severity of the issue, support for survivors remains inadequate. From 2020 to 2024, only 0.12% of Aceh’s provincial budget was allocated to the Women’s Empowerment and Child Protection Agency. While this allocation has increased slightly over time, it is still lacking to address the needs of women, particularly those who suffered from violence and the conflict.

Young women as the agents of change

The younger generation, particularly Gen Z, offers hope for a brighter future. Acehnese young women are increasingly leveraging digital platforms to advocate for their rights and challenge societal norms. Their ability to connect with global networks gives them tools to amplify their voices and demand equality.

This new generation has the potential to drive meaningful change, but they face entrenched patriarchal norms that require dismantling. To achieve substantial peace and gender equality in Aceh, empowering young women as agents of change and supporting their initiatives to create a more inclusive society is essential.

To ensure that Aceh achieves lasting peace that benefits everyone, several steps are necessary:

Inclusive policy-making: Women must be included in all decision-making processes, especially those related to peacebuilding and post-conflict recovery.
Reforming discriminatory policies: Laws restricting women’s rights must be repealed to create a more equitable environment.
Comprehensive support for survivors: Addressing the needs of survivors of violence through legal, medical, and psychological support is crucial.
Strengthening Legal Protections: Laws like Aceh’s Qanun Jinayah (Islamic Criminal Law) should be revised better to protect women, particularly victims of sexual violence.

Acehnese women have demonstrated remarkable resilience and strength throughout the region’s history. By ensuring their voices are heard and their rights respected, Aceh can move closer to achieving true peace and equality for all its citizens.

Suraiya Kamaruzzaman tidak bekerja, menjadi konsultan, memiliki saham, atau menerima dana dari perusahaan atau organisasi mana pun yang akan mengambil untung dari artikel ini, dan telah mengungkapkan bahwa ia tidak memiliki afiliasi selain yang telah disebut di atas.

– ref. Acehnese women: Crucial role in peacebuilding overlooked, discriminated by local regulations – https://theconversation.com/acehnese-women-crucial-role-in-peacebuilding-overlooked-discriminated-by-local-regulations-246240

July 5, 2025

Aceh Tsunami: Monuments help to remember disasters – and forget them

Source: The Conversation – Indonesia – By Muzayin Nazaruddin, Dosen Program Studi Ilmu Komunikasi, Universitas Islam Indonesia (UII) Yogyakarta

In the aftermath of the 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami, the Acehnese interpreted the disaster in various ways.

Initially, the tsunami was interpreted as a punishment or warning from God. Over time, a collective interpretation of the disaster emerged: “The tsunami as a test from God”.

This later narrative was compelling enough to accelerate the post-tsunami recovery process. People in Aceh moved past the tsunami trauma by believing their deceased family members were martyrs who deserved a place in heaven, while those who survived were given the opportunity by Allah to live better lives.

The process of forming this narrative is called memory canonisation. It occurs when the government and ruling elites impose a specific interpretation or narrative of a disaster, including what to remember and how to remember it.

Memory canonisation is evident in the creation of disaster monuments and commemoration events, including in Aceh. Unfortunately, many survivors feel detached from the monuments because they do not evoke personal memories of the tsunami.

Memory canonisation through monuments

Constructing permanent memorials after a disaster is a common trend in a modern society. Many tsunami monuments exist in Aceh, and some have even become tourist destinations.

Tsunami monuments can be divided into two categories based on the construction.

First, monuments built from tsunami debris that are deliberately maintained, modified, or enhanced with certain elements. Examples include the stranded electric-generator ship (the PLTD Apung), the ship on the top of a house in Lampulo, and the tsunami debris at the Rahmatullah Mosque in Lampuuk.

Second, monuments intentionally designed and constructed as new buildings after the tsunami, such as the Aceh Tsunami Museum and the Tsunami Poles erected in over 50 locations across Banda Aceh and Aceh Besar.

The establishment of disaster memorials is always political. Disaster monuments represent how governments and elites promote specific interpretations as dominant. This is achieved through specific architectural designs or curated narratives in the monument.

However, the memory canonisation process is never final. Once established, each disaster monument becomes a place to form, strengthen, modify, alter, and revise the interpretation of the disaster.

How monuments affect Acehnese memory – or not

In a post-disaster situation, the affected community faces ‘push and pull’ between remembering and forgetting the disaster. They must let go of trauma to move forward while preserving disaster memories to honour victims and enhance future preparedness.

The memory of the disaster resides in the back of their mind, but not constantly remembered in everyday life. It will move to the surface as an active memory only when triggered by certain factors, such as a place, object, or event. This memory closely relates to how the survivors give meaning to the disaster.

In everyday life, survivors interact with disaster monuments in various contexts –for instance, as a source of income or a place for leisure. Thus, the meaning of a disaster monument can vary, even becoming completely unrelated to its creators’ narratives and original goals.

Preliminary findings from my ongoing research in Aceh show that among survivors, tsunami memories are often triggered by specific places associated with their experiences. These include the house where they found safety, the coastal area that swept them away, or the ruins of their homes. I refer to these as “the forgotten memories of the tsunami.”

Since many tsunami monuments were erected without involving local residents, they feel barely connected, let alone have a sense of ownership, towards the monuments. For survivors, the established monuments do not trigger their memories of the tsunami.

Disaster monument for disaster education

Today, 20 years after the tsunami, we can still meet survivors who offer valuable and insightful stories about starting over, rebuilding their homes and villages, and cultivating cultural awareness about tsunamis while embracing vulnerability.

However, once these survivors pass away, future generations will lose access to primary sources of learning about the tsunami. This includes new inhabitants who moved to Aceh after the tsunami and rent houses in coastal areas.

They will, therefore, depend on the tsunami memorials around them, though many have been neglected.

To address these risks, I recommend two measures.

First, we can document the “forgotten tsunami memories” creatively through formats like documentary videos, comics, photos, social media content, or other mediums that highlight stories offering insights into disaster risk reduction and education for younger generations.

Second, we must encourage sustainable and meaningful interactions between locals and tsunami monuments. Disaster memorials serve their purpose best — preserving the memory of the disaster and educating younger generations — when they remain relevant to residents’ daily activities.

Locals’ active participation is essential in Aceh, including school visits and involvement in preservation and curation efforts.

These measures aim to foster a sense of ownership among residents of the tsunami monuments in their neighbourhoods. They encourage voluntary maintenance of the monuments and make them integral to disaster risk reduction efforts.

– ref. Aceh Tsunami: Monuments help to remember disasters – and forget them – https://theconversation.com/aceh-tsunami-monuments-help-to-remember-disasters-and-forget-them-246251

July 5, 2025

Indonesia’s BRICS agenda: 2 reasons Prabowo’s foreign policy contrasts with Jokowi’s

Source: The Conversation – Indonesia – By Aswin Ariyanto Azis, Head of department of Politics, Government, and International Relations of Universitas Brawijaya, Universitas Brawijaya

Ilustrasi-ilustrasi bendera negara anggota BRICS dan mitra. justit/Shutterstock

Indonesia’s decision to pursue membership in BRICS – an emerging economy bloc comprising Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa – signals that President Prabowo Subianto is steering foreign policy in a direction contrasting with his predecessors.

During Joko “Jokowi” Widodo’s two-term administration, then-former Foreign Minister Retno Marsudi led efforts to integrate Indonesia’s economy with Western institutions by working to secure membership with the OECD.

Since BRICS is an alternative to Western-dominated organisations, many observers scrutinised and questioned Indonesia’s nonalignment commitment. However, Foreign Minister Sugiono argued that BRICS aligns with Indonesia’s ‘free and active’ foreign policy, allowing Indonesia to collaborate widely without aligning too closely with any single bloc.

For Sugiono, joining BRICS means paving the way to advance the new government’s goals of food security, energy independence, poverty alleviation, and human capital development. The bloc offers access to funding, technology, and trade opportunities to tackle key challenges in those sectors. BRICS, with its emphasis on fairness and cooperation, supports Indonesia’s vision for a more inclusive and sustainable future.

The shift from Retno’s OECD focus to Sugiono’s BRICS approach reflects at least two visions. First, Indonesia seeks to reassess its strategic position as the leading economy in Southeast Asia. Second, the country seeks to switch from its nonalignment stance to multi-alignment. The later will help navigate partnerships with both developed and emerging economies, balancing traditional alliances with new opportunities.

Joining BRICS can amplify Indonesia’s influence in its already strong ties with each of the member countries and unlock opportunities beyond one-on-one partnerships.

Fear of missing out

Indonesia’s pivot to BRICS reflects both its relationship with major powers, such as China and the US, and regional pressures.

Neighbouring countries Malaysia and Thailand have recently expressed interest in BRICS, creating a sense of competition within Southeast Asia. Both countries joining the bloc could erode Indonesia’s leadership and influence in the region, especially in affecting global affairs.

Through ASEAN, Indonesia has sought to act as a regional stabiliser and mediator amid rising polarisation between the West and China.

As its de facto leader, Indonesia has historically championed initiatives like the South China Sea Code of Conduct and Myanmar’s peace process. Its G20 presidency further underscored its role as a mediator between global powers.

This ‘fear of missing out’ has spurred Indonesia’s interest in BRICS.

Joining BRICS ahead of its regional peers ensures that Indonesia maintains its leadership position in ASEAN. For Prabowo’s administration, BRICS offers a platform to advance Indonesia’s interests in maritime security, economic growth, and global governance. It is a strategic move beyond an economic decision to amplify its voice on global issues and prevent fellow Southeast Asian countries from overtaking it in shaping the bloc’s agenda.

Bold (but not one) direction

Indonesia’s BRICS membership announcement highlights the new administration’s foreign policy ambitions, centred on two key shifts: adopting a multi-alignment strategy and strengthening its ‘good neighbour’ policy.

Prabowo envisions engaging with all nations, fostering friendly relations while opposing oppression. This approach resonates with Indonesia’s historical commitment to sovereignty and equality in international relations.

Indonesia has traditionally adhered to a nonalignment principle. This virtue has aided the country navigating major power blocs without binding itself to any single alliance. However, the current geopolitical climate – marked by intensifying tensions between global powers, regional conflicts, and intricate challenges – demands a more flexible and strategic approach.

By joining BRICS, Indonesia avoids taking sides and instead diversifies its partnerships to maximise benefits. This multi-aligned approach enables active participation in BRICS discussions on multilateral reform.

Prabowo’s ‘good neighbour policy’ further underscores the importance of maintaining positive relations with all countries. It empowers developing nations and advocates for a more equitable global order and economic system. This strategy also facilitates Indonesia’s resilience by fostering partnerships in food and energy security, poverty alleviation, and human capital development.

Such collaborations reduce reliance on Western financial systems and enhance Indonesia’s autonomy. Ultimately, these strategic directions position Indonesia as a sovereign and dynamic player capable of balancing global relationships while advancing its own priorities.

What about the OECD?

This move does not mean the OECD is off the table for Indonesia. Instead, Prabowo’s approach reflects a dual-track strategy that values both alliances for their respective benefits.

The OECD remains a long-term objective to enhance Indonesia’s economic governance and regulatory standards. It serves the goal of providing the country with stable relationships within the Western economic framework. Meanwhile, BRICS offers an immediate avenue for Indonesia to deepen ties with equivalent economies and actively shape policies that impact the Global South.

Sugiono’s statement in Kazan emphasised Indonesia’s commitment to engaging in other forums, including the G20 and OECD discussions. It highlighted the country’s flexibility in international alliances.

This dual-track strategy reinforces Indonesia’s role as a bridge between developed and developing nations, maximising the benefits of both alliances without sacrificing its autonomy.

What’s next for Indonesia?

Indonesia’s decision to join BRICS marks a significant evolution in its foreign policy. By participating in BRICS, Indonesia positions itself as a critical player in global discussions on economic reform and development, asserting its voice within a multi-polar world order.

Indonesia is charting a path that balances traditional alliances with emerging opportunities, reinforcing its role as a dynamic, independent player on the world stage.

Aswin Ariyanto Azis tidak bekerja, menjadi konsultan, memiliki saham, atau menerima dana dari perusahaan atau organisasi mana pun yang akan mengambil untung dari artikel ini, dan telah mengungkapkan bahwa ia tidak memiliki afiliasi selain yang telah disebut di atas.

– ref. Indonesia’s BRICS agenda: 2 reasons Prabowo’s foreign policy contrasts with Jokowi’s – https://theconversation.com/indonesias-brics-agenda-2-reasons-prabowos-foreign-policy-contrasts-with-jokowis-242920

July 5, 2025

Acehnese women sidelined from decision-making despite past tragedy and conflict

Source: The Conversation – Indonesia – By Norma Susanti RM, Peneliti di Tsunami and Disaster Mitigation Research Center (TDMRC) dan Pusat Riset Ilmu Sosial dan Budaya (PRISB) Universitas Syiah Kuala, Universitas Syiah Kuala

The devastating 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami remains etched in the memories of many,especially in Aceh, where the disaster claimed hundreds of thousands of lives. Among the casualties, women were disproportionately affected by a four-to-one ratio.

Twenty years later, the struggle to guarantee women’s rights continues to face significant hurdles. Despite the historical records of women’s leadership in shaping the region and the impacts bore by women in the tragedy, their involvement in modern Aceh’s development remains minimal.

Disaster recovery: Shifting paradigms

Aceh has a remarkable history of female leadership, with figures such as Cut Nyak Dhien, Cut Nyak Meutia, Laksamana Keumalahayati, Pocut Baren, and Tengku Fakinah playing pivotal roles in defending the region against Dutch colonial forces.

Even further back in history, Aceh witnessed the reign of formidable female rulers such as Sultanah Tajul Alam Safiatuddin (1641–1675) and Nurul Alam Naqiatuddin (1675–1678), among others, who led the Aceh Darussalam Kingdom—an influential Islamic power in Southeast Asia.

Fast-forward to modern history, the prolonged armed conflict between the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) and the Indonesian Government (1976-2005) also highlighted the crucial role of women. When many men fled for safety, grassroots women stood firm, shouldering dual domestic and public responsibilities. They negotiated with military forces to ensure village safety, advocated for the release of detained family members, and secured food for their communities despite immense challenges.

This narrative — documented in personal accounts,research, and reports — reveals the depth of women’s contributions to their communities amidst adversity.

Unfortunately, the resilience of Acehnese women remains unacknowledged post-tsunami and conflict. Initiatives to involve women in development are concentrated in the capital, Banda Aceh, while their representation in politics is liminal.

A dedicated space for women: The MUSRENA initiative

In Banda Aceh, the government has taken significant steps to promote women’s participation in development planning. One notable initiative is the establishment of MUSRENA, a special women’s forum designed to gather and integrate women’s proposals into local development plans. Funded by regional budgets and village allocations, these forums provide a platform for women to articulate their needs and experiences.

The outcomes from MUSRENA dialogues are compiled in stages, from the village to the municipal level, ensuring they become part of the major decisions agreed upon in each level’s planning forum.

The MUSRENA initiative owes much to the leadership of Illiza Sa’aduddin Djamal, who served as Banda Aceh’s deputy mayor between 2007 and 2014. Under her guidance, the forum was institutionalised through regulations, ensuring its sustainability.

However, this innovative model has yet to be widely adopted by other regions. To maximises its output, MUSRENA needs capacity-building activities accessible to women from diverse backgrounds and serves as a strategy to increase the number of women leaders.

Women in politics: Gaps in representation

The representation of women in Aceh’s political and governance structures remains limited. Between 2014 and 2019, only 12 women served in Aceh’s 81-member legislative council, but this number further dropped to eight in the 2024 election — far below the minimum representation threshold of 30%. This underscores the persistent challenges faced by women in gaining political footholds.

The lack of representation is also evident in Aceh Provincial Government. Women occupy just only 5 out of 62 senior roles and 49 out of 283 mid-level roles, highlighting the stark disparity between men and women in leadership.

Independent commissions in Aceh, which should ideally foster inclusive leadership, have also failed to create a supportive environment for women leaders. The absence of women in key strategic positions reflects a broader trend across Aceh, extending down to the village (Gampong) level. Women’s participation remains minimal in village governance despite a 2008 Qanun — regional regulations specific to Aceh — that mandates equality in community leadership and cultural preservation.

Ensuring gender equality in development

Reconstruction after the tsunami demanded a transformative approach to disaster management. A 2007 Law promoting a shift from emergency-focused responses to a more integrated strategy of mitigation, response, and post-disaster recovery has been slow to materialised.

Emergency responses continue to overshadow other phases, and preparedness efforts remain limited and poorly integrated across sectors. Recovery programs often fail to adhere to the “build back better and safer” disaster risk reduction principles.

Gender-responsive disaster management is essential to prepare all segments of society, including women and vulnerable groups, for future crises. The limited role of women in Aceh’s post-tsunami recovery and development processes, especially in contrast with how deeply affected they are by the tragedy, highlights the need for more inclusive approaches.

This requires systemic planning, policy formulation, budget allocation, and implementation. Monitoring and evaluation must emphasise measurable outcomes, guided by frameworks like Regulation No. 13/2014 on Gender Mainstreaming in Disaster Management. Indicators of success should include women’s access to resources, active participation, control over decisions, and equitable benefits.

Women’s experiences and contributions should form the foundation of disaster mitigation strategies. Thus, it is crucial to empower women financially, ensure access to education, improve mental and reproductive health, and enhance political and managerial skills.

Aceh’s history and the lessons from the tsunami and conflict should serve as reminders of the importance of inclusive development. Two decades on, the region must fully embrace gender equality as a cornerstone of its progress. Women’s meaningful participation and leadership are not just a nod to history but a necessary path to a more resilient and equitable future.

Norma Susanti RM tidak bekerja, menjadi konsultan, memiliki saham, atau menerima dana dari perusahaan atau organisasi mana pun yang akan mengambil untung dari artikel ini, dan telah mengungkapkan bahwa ia tidak memiliki afiliasi selain yang telah disebut di atas.

– ref. Acehnese women sidelined from decision-making despite past tragedy and conflict – https://theconversation.com/acehnese-women-sidelined-from-decision-making-despite-past-tragedy-and-conflict-245947

July 5, 2025

Catholic school board’s regressive flag policy sets back reconciliation in a post-Papal visit Canada

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Erenna Morrison, PhD Candidate, Curriculum and Pedagogy, Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, University of Toronto

Following the release of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission’s 94 Calls to Action in 2015, some Catholic school boards have made commitments to reconciliation in education. These boards include the Dufferin-Peel Catholic District School Board (DPCDSB).

However, the DPCDSB — located in the Greater Toronto area — has also introduced a flag policy that raises serious questions about a commitment to the wider progress being made in welcoming all students and promoting reconciliation.

On Jan. 28, 2025 — following advocacy in different parts of Ontario and the country against the presence of the Pride flag — the board’s trustees voted in nine to one to add more restrictions to its flag policies. These restrictions stipulated that only flags representing Canada, the provinces, territories and the school board can be be displayed inside schools or other DPCDSB facilities.

Acts of erasure

The developments in Peel Region follow earlier policy changes to restrict the presence of the Pride flag and other flags at schools.

Advocates from the board defending flag restrictions have said that in Catholic schools, the icon of the cross is the only symbol that should be promoted and that this represents inclusion and acceptance of all.

However, members of the 2SLGBTQI+ community and opponents of restrictive flag policies argue that the Pride flag is needed to signal a welcoming environment. They say its removal is an act of erasure and that it calls into question how the board affirms the rights, dignity and visibility of 2SLGBTQI+ people and how it fosters their safety. The board says, and believes, its practices and policies comply with the Ontario human rights code, adding that supports are available for students who identify as 2SLGBTQI.

The erasure of the Pride flag has the simultaneous effect of banning other important flags, such as Every Child Matters flags, Indigenous Nation flags and MMIWG2S flags (drawing attention to ending violence, disappearance and murder of First Nations women, girls and two-spirit people).

In our analysis, this restrictive flag policy expresses colonial violence. We rely on the work of Sandra Styres, researcher of Iethi’nihsténha Ohwentsia’kékha (Land), Resurgence, Reconciliation and the Politics of Education, who examines how colonial violence is expressed in academic settings through “micro-aggressions, purposeful ignorance, structural racism, lateral violence, isolation” and also in “representations and spaces.”

Crucial time for righting relationships

Our concern is informed by our combined research and personal engagement focused around reconciliatory education in elementary Catholic schools (Erenna) and Anishinaabe Catholic expressions of self-determination in the Church (Noah). Erenna is a settler and Noah is a member of Michipicoten First Nation.

We are married writing partners who travelled to Québec City in July 2022 to witness the long-awaited penitential pilgrimage of the late Pope Francis. We left with an awareness that this is a critical time for the righting of relationships that have been severely fractured by a Church complicit in genocide.

The DPCDSB flag policy speaks to an unwillingness of many to sever emotional attachments to the white imperialism that preserves a western way of thinking, doing and being, in the name of faith.

When a major Catholic entity like the DPCDSB introduces policies that may cause harm, concerned people, regardless of creed, must pay attention to such injustices.

Revised flag policy

Delegate Melanie Cormier, representing the DPCSB’s Indigenous Education Network, shared a statement relaying that the board’s restrictive flag policy fails to acknowledge the Mississaugas of the Credit First Nation whose traditional and treaty territory where the board resides. She states: “Your flag policy is in violation of our jurisdiction. To say that any of our flags can not be flown in our own territories is unacceptable.”

Brea Corbet, the only trustee with voting power who did not vote to restrict the Pride flag, told an earlier bylaw policies meeting: “When we remove rainbow flags and heritage flags, we are not protecting our Catholic identity; we are revealing institutional fragility. The Pride flag does not threaten Catholic education, policies of exclusion do.”

Three student trustees also opposed the restrictive policy, but their votes unfortunately aren’t counted. We argue this too speaks to the suppression of student voice within the board.

This fragility disproportionately threatens the safety of Indigenous, 2SLGBTQI+ and marginalized students and staff as they are overlooked and dismissed by the flag policy.

Nurturing all students

Kanienʼkehá:ka (Mohawk) education professor Frank Deer speaks of educational programming “that is congruent with the identity of the local community.” This programming, he writes, must go beyond curricula to address the school environment as well. Student safety, inclusion and identity affirmation must be prioritized in all aspects of school life.

Jennifer Brant, a Kanienʼkehà:ka interdisciplinary scholar, speaks in depth about how silence during times like these equates to complicity in accepting injustices that are taking place within “the communities in which we live, the broader society and global communities.”

Inaction in response to this policy is negligent.

Detrimental ramifications may also extend to reconciliation efforts in religious spaces more generally. This regressive policy poses lingering questions about the longevity of Catholic schools if they fail to protect and nurture all students.

Impacts on reconciliation

The primary target of the DPCDSB’s sweeping flag policy is the 2SLGBTQI+ community. In addition, the flag ban attacks Indigenous sovereignty and Anishinaabek nationhood, perpetuating attitudes tied to the Doctrine of Discovery still present in the Catholic ethos.

Flying the flags of First Nations (at their request) is not only a matter of inclusion, it is a matter of respect — respect for the land, the people and the treaties that connect us.

In denying this step towards relationality, this governing body of a Catholic school board sets back the Church’s reconciliation efforts riding on the momentum of the papal visit.

The board’s ignorance of how this policy risks damaging relationships with students, families and staff at the board, as well as the broader public, partly reflects an indifference that Pope Francis warned Catholics about during his visit:

“I trust and pray that Christians and civil society in this land may grow in the ability to accept and respect the identity and the experience of the Indigenous Peoples. It is my hope that concrete ways can be found to make those peoples better known and esteemed, so that all may learn to walk together.”

Walking together in solidarity

As we write this piece, we can see through the window a local Toronto Catholic Distric School Board elementary school, where an Every Child Matters flag is flown alongside a Pride and Canadian flag.

Catholic education, despite its sordid history and contested perspectives about interpreting and practising Church doctrine, can be a tool to drive reconciliation.

Catholics cannot let a narrow vision overshadow Pope Francis’s pilgrimage and the global Church movement he, the Church’s bishops and Catholic lay people have participated in — via a global synod — to respond to the call to walk together in solidarity with Indigenous, 2SLGBTQI+ and other marginalized people.

Counter-narratives of hope and possibility

We wish to continue to hear counter-narratives of hope and possibility for Catholic education. We wish to see active changes that move the DPCDSB, as scholar Sheila Cote-Meek of the Teme-Augama Anishinabai, writes, “to a drastically different way of being, doing and working.”

As other Catholic boards in Ontario initiate flag debates of their own, we are left with the lingering question. What is the future of Catholic education if it’s not intended to support the physical, emotional, mental and spiritual well-being of all those entrusted to its care?

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Catholic school board’s regressive flag policy sets back reconciliation in a post-Papal visit Canada – https://theconversation.com/catholic-school-boards-regressive-flag-policy-sets-back-reconciliation-in-a-post-papal-visit-canada-256765

July 5, 2025

Why corporations are backing away from supporting Pride this year

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Leah Hamilton, Professor in the Faculty of Business & Communication Studies, Mount Royal University

Prime Minister Mark Carney recently raised the Pride flag on Parliament Hill and lamented the growing anti-2SLGBTQIA+ sentiment in Canada. He also committed $1.5 million to make Pride festivals across the country safer.

This political support stands in sharp contrast to the many businesses that have reduced or ended their support for the 2SLGBTQIA+ community this Pride season.

Multinational corporations like Google, as well as Canadian-owned companies like Molson Coors, have divested from supporting festivals, while Target has scaled back its Pride merchandise due to threats against employees and large-scale conservative backlash.

The impact is already being felt. Pride Toronto is currently facing a $900,000 funding gap. Executive director Kojo Modeste recently told CBC News this corporate divestment appears to be linked to the larger backlash against diversity, equity and inclusion efforts.

Fear of punitive measures

In January, United States President Donald Trump issued an executive order to dismantle DEI initiatives in federal agencies and target private companies that support DEI measures. In the executive order, Trump’s administration called DEI measures and mandates “immoral discrimination programs.”

Spearheaded by journalist-cum-activist and Trump adviser Christopher Rufo, the attacks against so-called “woke” DEI programs are fuelled by the “culture wars” that pit equity and inclusion against merit and the free market.

Major private corporations, including IBM, quickly bent to the pressure of Trump’s anti-DEI orders by gutting their programs and shifting corporate donorship away from “woke” initiatives.

The pressure to comply with anti-DEI measures hasn’t ended with corporations. More recently, Trump has set his sights on the U.S. post-secondary system, freezing US$2.2 million in federal grants and US$60 million in contracts after Harvard University refused to comply with the administration’s demands related to its DEI programs.

In Canada, the rollback of DEI programs isn’t as loud, but it is happening. Michelle Grocholsky, the CEO of Empowered EDI in Toronto, told CBC News companies are reducing their budgets and cutting their staff. In the midst of job cuts in January 2025, the Alberta Investment Management Corporation removed their DEI staff.

Following in the footsteps of the U.S., Alberta’s United Conservative Party membership passed a resolution to eliminate DEI programs and training in the public service. The party has also indicated it will remove government funding from post-secondary institutions that continue to do DEI work.

Declining public support

In addition to the rollback of DEI programs, the ongoing corporate reductions in Pride support are taking place amid increasing anti-2SLGBTQIA+ sentiment.

A 2024 poll reported that, in Canada, support for 2SLGBTQIA+ visibility — like representation on screens and in sports — is lower than it was in 2021. Compared to previous years, Canadians also expressed less support for transgender rights, and this level of support was lower than the 26 other countries surveyed.

Not surprisingly, this declining public support for the 2SLGBTQIA+ community coincides with rising hate crimes targeting 2SLGBTQIA+ communities. In 2023, Statistics Canada reported a 69 per cent increase in hate crimes targeting sexual orientation.

Public attitudes don’t change in a vacuum. They are deeply influenced by hate movements, political rhetoric and the spread of misinformation and disinformation weaponized by politicians and leaders to dehumanize the 2SLGBTQIA+ community, particularly transgender people.

This dehumanization incites fear, violence and support for anti-2SLGBTQIA+ hate. It has coincided with companies silently withdrawing their support for the 2SLGBTQIA+ community.

Where we live, in Alberta, the provincial government has passed the most draconian anti-trans laws Canada has ever seen. As we (Corinne L. Mason and Leah Hamilton) have previously written, Premier Danielle Smith’s government has unveiled a suite of policies targeting transgender, intersex and gender diverse children and youth in Alberta, and the 2SLGBTQIA+ community more broadly.

In this environment of reduced public and political support, it’s not surprising to see companies backing away from the 2SLGBTQIA+ community.

Getting back to Pride’s roots

The fact that companies have quickly backed away from their support of the 2SLGBTQIA+ community — by halting production of Pride merchandise or reducing sponsorship in Pride festivals — illustrates the conditionality of their support.

Rather than beg big business to come back to the table, some members of the community are using this moment to reflect on how corporate “Love is Love” campaigns haven’t actually led to increased quality of life or justice for our communities.

While it has received less media coverage than calls to remove police from Pride and the presence of Boycott, Divest and Sanction movement at Pride festivals, the corporatization of Pride has long been subject of debate in the 2SLGBTQIA+ community.

Those against “rainbow capitalism” — the shallow and inauthentic use of Pride imagery in advertising — argue for a return to community-based and radical protest rather than settling for flag-waving bankers throwing beads from atop expensive floats.

Pride Month is rooted in protest and resistance against police violence and systemic oppression. It was led by Black trans women and can be traced back to the Stonewall Riots. Today, Pride still isn’t simply a party and parade.

Authentic ‘rainbow dollars’

In this sociopolitical climate of legislated DEI rollbacks and declining public support for the 2SLGBTQIA+ community, organizations that want to support the 2SLGBTQIA+ community should back up their messaging with meaningful actions and structural support.

Some organizations have shown a commitment to structural support for the 2SLGBTQIA+ community from its beginning, including the Northern Super League, the top-division professional women’s soccer league in Canada. The league openly and consistently amplifies and supports its 2SLGBTQIA+ players, coaches, staff and fans. Founded by Diana Matheson, an openly queer woman, the league is founded on inclusion as a core value.

When it comes to creating Pride merchandise, Social Made Local is a queer-owned Canadian apparel company in Saskatoon that focuses on gender-inclusive sizing, sustainability and community. They donate a portion of their sales to Canadian non-profits like Rainbow Railroad.

Companies that want to show their support can spend their rainbow dollars in good faith through actions that meaningfully support the 2SLGBTQIA+ community. This could include creating programs that support queer entrepreneurs, donating to legal funds that are fighting discriminatory legislation, and partnering with 2SLGBTQIA+ organizations to amplify their work.

Leah Hamilton receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada.

Corinne L. Mason receives funding from Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council.

Gini (Virginia) Weber does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

– ref. Why corporations are backing away from supporting Pride this year – https://theconversation.com/why-corporations-are-backing-away-from-supporting-pride-this-year-258770

July 5, 2025

If we don’t teach youth about sexual assault and consent, popular media will

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Shannon D. M. Moore, Assistant professor of social studies education, Department of Curriculum Teaching and Learning, Faculty of Education, University of Manitoba

The sexual assault trial of five former World Juniors hockey players has spotlighted issues around sexual assault and consent.

Sexual assault, intimate partner violence and other forms of gender-based violence aren’t inevitable. Kindergarten to Grade 12 public schools have an ethical obligation to enact sexuality education that is responsive to current contexts, respects human diversity, empowers young people and is rooted in human rights.

We argue for harnessing popular media to advance sexuality education. Children and youth learn about a great deal about gender, relationships, sexuality and consent from popular media.

Although there is strong theoretical rationale for using popular media to confront sexual assault, many teachers identify and experience barriers to putting this into practice in their classrooms.

Let’s (not) talk about sex?

Many factors shape the reality that comprehensive sex education remains wholly absent or inadequate in schools.

Talking about sex in society and in schools is often taboo. Discussions of healthy relationships and consent are often highly controlled, minimized or relegated to a sexual education curriculum that is not universally taught. This is due to parental opt-outs/ins in many provinces.

Some opponents of sexual education curriculum say parents should have full authority over the subject. Others exploit misunderstandings of age appropriateness and the presumed innocence of children and youth. Among the public at large, there is a lack of knowledge (or belief) about the high rates of sexual assault and other forms of gender-based violence experienced by youth within and beyond schools

Not surprisingly, neglecting comprehensive sexuality education has many adverse consequences. Students learn that eliminating sexual violence is not a societal priority. Those who have experienced assault and other forms of violence learn that they are not important, as their stories are often silenced, ignored or distrusted.

As a result, rape culture and gender-based violence remains unchallenged in schools, while it is normalized, legitimized and endorsed in popular media.

Meet your child’s other teacher

In the absence or confines of comprehensive sex education in schools, youth identify popular media as their main source of information about sex and relationships.

As professor of criminal justice, Nickie D. Phillips, writes, popular media is one of the “primary sites through which rape culture [is] understood, negotiated and contested.”

What youth watch, play, listen to or create on social media has a significant role in teaching dominant understandings that normalize sexual violence, misogyny and the patriarchy.

Critical media scholars Michael Hoechsmann and Stuart Poyntz emphasize that popular media “plays a central role in the socialization, acculturation and intellectual formation of young people. It is a … force to be reckoned with, and we ignore it at our peril.”

As teacher educators and educational researchers, the teachers we have worked with across grades and subject areas recognize how popular media is always and already present in classrooms, and many embrace the opportunities it affords for necessary conversations that are relevant to students.

Challenges with using popular media

The teacher participants in our study revealed that classroom culture wars have had a chilling impact on their practice, making them feel more wary about tackling particular topics.

We found that despite research-informed rationale for using popular media to ground sexuality education, teachers encounter several barriers and complications in doing so.

Teachers’ discomfort was exacerbated when school leaders did not support their efforts to advance these lessons, even though they were anchored to the provincial curriculum. Teacher participants also spoke of a lack of professional development or preparation to talk about healthy relationships and consent in teacher education contexts.

Finally, they also raised concerns about teaching with and through violent, sexually suggestive or explicit popular media in classrooms. This is the case even though young people are learning about sex through limitless access to digital pornography and R-rated popular media outside of classrooms.

Influencing healthy relationships

There is limited research about how popular media content could be used to teach about sexual violence prevention. Through our ongoing research, we have identified several starting points for using popular media content to ground conversations about healthy relationships, boundaries and consent.

1. Start with media constructions of gender: As popular media contributes to societal expectations of gender, students should begin by interrogating how masculinities and femininities are constructed and mobilized in popular media.

This can include examining how male, female and non-binary characters are constructed and presented to audiences, their position within the broader storyline and their level of dialogue and how varied intersections of identity impact these depictions.

Discussions of gender based violence must begin with intersectional discussions of gender, as these constructions contribute to the issue (for example, the hypersexualization and subordination of females, the exoticization and dehumanization of racialized women or the portrayal of males as powerful, aggressive and preoccupied with sex).

2. Begin with unfamiliar content: Students can initially become defensive when they are asked to critically engage with media content that deeply connect with their identity and give them a sense of joy.

While the goal is to move to the interrogation of students’ own media diets, it can positively generate student participation when educators begin analytical and critical discussions about media with unfamiliar, or at least not cherished, material (like popular songs, video or social media).

This means students learn how to analyze content before connecting this analysis with themes related to gender-based violence, like: how popular media normalizes sexual violence against women and promotes unhealthy representations of romance and relationships; how popular media contributes to victim blaming or siding with perpetrators and promotes “himpathy” for males who commit sexual assault.

3. Offer a feminist lens: As teacher educators, we recognize that there is no single method or approach that tends to every aspect of sexual assault and other forms of gender-based violence. Yet, we also know that educators seek resources to engage more meaningfully with students.

Cards to foster conversation

We constructed a deck of educational playing cards that educators can use to foster conversations about media portrayals of gender, healthy relationships and consent (or lack thereof).

These cards employ a feminist lens, based on Sarah Ahmed’s Living a Feminist Life. We advocate for teachers to have time in professional learning spaces to try out the cards with other educators before they facilitate complex conversations related to gender-based violence with students.

If as a society we want to see fewer instances of gender-based violence, teachers need provincial curriculum documents that align with the research on comprehensive sex education. They also need school leaders who will support their work and model consent in the broader school culture, and more professional development and preparation in teacher education.

Shannon D. M. Moore receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council

Jennifer Watt receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council .

– ref. If we don’t teach youth about sexual assault and consent, popular media will – https://theconversation.com/if-we-dont-teach-youth-about-sexual-assault-and-consent-popular-media-will-256741

July 5, 2025

AI applications are producing cleaner cities, smarter homes and more efficient transit

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Mohammadamin Ahmadfard, Postdoctoral Fellow, Mechanical & Industrial Engineering, Toronto Metropolitan University

Artificial intelligence (AI) is quietly transforming how cities generate, store and distribute energy, acting as the invisible conductor that orchestrates cleaner, smarter and more resilient cities.

By integrating renewables — from solar panels and wind turbines to geothermal grids, hydrogen plants, electric vehicles and batteries — AI can enable cities to manage diverse energy sources as a single, intelligent system.

One striking example is the Oya Hybrid Power Station in South Africa. Here, AI-driven controls seamlessly co-ordinate solar, wind and battery storage to deliver reliable power to up to 320,000 households. Using AI makes this kind of integration not only possible, but dramatically more efficient.

Recent research shows AI can also optimize how batteries, solar and the grid interact in buildings. A 2023 study found that deep learning and real-time data helped a boarding school in Turin, Italy increase low-cost energy purchases and cut its electricity bill by more than half.

Cleaner, smarter energy grids

AI models are increasingly able to predict weather with greater precision. These predictions allow electric grid operators to plan hours ahead, storing excess energy in batteries or adjusting supply to meet demand before a storm or heatwave hits.

Using AI to respond strategically to weather is a game-changer. In Cambridge, England, a system called Aardvark uses satellite and sensor data to generate rapid, accurate forecasts of sun and wind patterns.

Unlike traditional supercomputer-driven weather models, Aardvark’s AI can deliver precise local forecasts in minutes on an ordinary computer. This makes advanced weather prediction more accessible and affordable for cities, utilities and even smaller organizations — potentially transforming how communities everywhere plan for and respond to changing weather.

solar panels with a city skyline in the background. — AI models are increasingly able to predict weather with greater precision, allowing electric grid operators to plan ahead, storing excess energy in batteries or adjusting supply to meet demand before a storm or heat wave hits.
(Shutterstock)

AI for smarter district heating and cooling

In Munich, Germany, AI is improving geothermal district heating by using underground sensors to monitor temperature and moisture levels in the ground.

The collected data feeds into a digital simulation model that helps optimize network operations. In more advanced versions, during winter cold snaps, such systems can suggest lowering flow to underused spaces like half-empty offices and boosting heat where demand is higher, such as in crowded apartments.

This intelligent, self-optimizing approach extends the life of equipment and delivers more warmth with the same energy input.

This is a breakthrough with enormous potential for cities in cold climates with established geothermal networks, such as Winnipeg in Canada and Iceland’s Reykjavik.

Although these cities have not yet adopted AI-driven monitoring systems, they could benefit from AI’s real-time improvements in efficiency, comfort and energy savings during harsh winters — a principle that holds true wherever geothermal district heating and cooling exists.

a person adjusting a digital thermostat — Inside the home, AI-managed smart climate systems can factor in how many people are in each room, which appliances are in use, how much natural sunlight each space receives.
(Shutterstock)

Smart buildings

Inside the home, AI-managed smart climate systems can factor in how many people are in each room, which appliances are in use, how much natural sunlight each space receives and how much electricity or heat a home’s solar panels generate throughout the day.

Based on this, AI determines how to heat or cool rooms efficiently, and can transfer energy from one space to another, balancing comfort with minimal energy use.

Coastal cities and those in wind-heavy regions are using AI in other creative ways. In Orkney, Scotland, excess wind and tidal energy are converted into green hydrogen. Instead of letting that surplus power go to waste, an AI system called HyAI controls when to generate hydrogen based on wind forecasts, electricity prices and how full the hydrogen storage tanks are.

When winds are strong at night and electricity is cheap, the AI can divert surplus power to produce hydrogen and store it for later use. On calmer days, that stored hydrogen can power fuel cells or buses.

Energy storage

AI is transforming energy storage into a smart, revenue-generating force. In Finland, a startup called Capalo AI has developed Zeus VPP, an AI-powered virtual power plant that aggregates distributed batteries from homes, businesses and other sites.

Zeus VPP uses advanced forecasting and AI algorithms to decide when batteries should charge or discharge, factoring in energy prices, local consumption and weather forecasts. This enables battery owners to earn revenue by participating in electricity markets, while also supporting grid stability and making better use of renewable energy.

Utility companies are also using AI to monitor everything from high-voltage transmission lines to neighbourhood transformers, dramatically increasing reliability.

AI-powered dynamic line rating adjusts how much electricity a line can carry in real time, boosting capacity by 15 to 30 per cent when conditions allow. This helps utilities maximize the use of existing infrastructure instead of relying on costly upgrades.

At the local level, AI analyzes smart metre data to predict which transformers are overheating due to rising EV and heat pump use.

By forecasting these stress points, utilities can proactively upgrade equipment before failures happen — a shift from reactive to predictive maintenance that makes the grid stronger and cities more resilient.

AI-powered public transit and mobility

Transportation innovation is becoming part of the energy solution, with AI at the centre of this transformation. In New York City, energy company Con Edison has installed major battery storage systems to help manage peak electricity demand and reduce reliance on polluting peaker plants, which supply energy only during high-demand periods.

More broadly, Con Edison is deploying advanced AI-powered analytics software across its electric grid — optimizing voltage, enhancing reliability and enabling predictive maintenance. Together, these efforts show how combining energy storage and AI-driven analytics can make even the world’s busiest cities more resilient and efficient.

AI is also powering “vehicle-to-grid” innovations in California, where an AI-driven platform manages electric school buses that can supply stored energy back to the grid during periods of high demand.

By carefully managing when buses charge and discharge, these systems help keep the grid reliable and ensure vehicles are ready for their daily routes. As this technology expands, parked electric vehicles could serve as valuable backup resources for the electricity system.

lights moving along a highway — Transportation innovation is becoming part of the energy solution.
(Shutterstock)

AI for clean energy initiatives

AI is rapidly transforming cities by revolutionizing how energy is used and managed. Google, for example, has slashed cooling energy at its data centres by up to 40 per cent using AI that fine-tunes fans, pumps and windows more efficiently than any human operator.

Organizations like the Electric Power Research Institute (EPRI), in collaboration with NVIDIA, Microsoft and others, have launched the Open Power AI Consortium, which is creating open-source AI tools for utilities worldwide.

These tools will enable even the most resource-constrained cities to deploy advanced AI capabilities, without having to start from scratch, helping to level the playing field and accelerate the global energy transition.

The result is not just cleaner air and lower energy bills, but a path to fewer blackouts and more resilient homes.

Mohammadamin Ahmadfard receives funding from the Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada (NSERC) and Mitacs Inc. for his postdoctoral research at Toronto Metropolitan University.

– ref. AI applications are producing cleaner cities, smarter homes and more efficient transit – https://theconversation.com/ai-applications-are-producing-cleaner-cities-smarter-homes-and-more-efficient-transit-256291

July 5, 2025

4 reasons to be concerned about Bill C-4’s threats to Canadian privacy and sovereignty

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Sara Bannerman, Professor and Canada Research Chair in Communication Policy and Governance, McMaster University

In Canada, federal political parties are not governed by basic standards of federal privacy law. If passed, Bill C-4, also known as the Making Life More Affordable for Canadians Act, would also make provincial and territorial privacy laws inapplicable to federal political parties, with no adequate federal law in place.

Federal legislation in the form of the Privacy Act and the Personal Information Protection and Electronic Documents Act sets out privacy standards for government and business, based on the fair information principles that provide for the collection, use and disclosure of Canadians’ personal information.

At the moment, these laws don’t apply to political parties. Some provinces — especially British Columbia — have implemented laws that do. In May 2024, the B.C. Supreme Court upheld the provincial Information Commissioner’s ruling that B.C.’s privacy legislation applies to federal political parties. That decision is currently under appeal.

Bill C-4 would undermine those B.C. rights. It would make inapplicable to federal parties the standard privacy rights that apply in other business and government contexts— such as the right to consent to the collection, use and disclosure of personal information — and to access and correct personal information held by organizations.

Why should we be concerned about Bill C-4’s erasure of these privacy protections for Canadians? There are four reasons:

1. Threats to Canada’s sovereignty

In light of threats to Canadian sovereignty by United States President Donald Trump, the Canadian government and Canadian politicians must rethink their approach to digital sovereignty.

Until now, Canadian parties and governments have been content to use American platforms, data companies and datified campaign tactics. Bill C-4 would leave federal parties free to do more of the same. This is the opposite of what’s needed.

The politics that resulted in Trump being elected twice to the Oval Office was spurred in part by the datafied campaigning of Cambridge Analytica in 2016 and Elon Musk in 2024. These politics are driven by micro-targeted and arguably manipulative political campaigns.

Do Canadians want Canada to go in the same direction?

A building with two surveillance cameras. — Are political parties spying and experimenting on Canadians via personal data collection?
(Unsplash/Arthur Mazi), FAL

2. Threats to Canada’s future

Bill C-4 would undermine one of the mechanisms that makes Canada a society: collective political decisions.

Datified campaigning and the collection of personal information by political parties change the nature of democracy. Rather than appealing to political values or visions of what voters may want in the future or as a society — critically important at this historical and troubling moment in history — datified campaigning operates by experimenting on unwitting individual citizens who are alone on their phones and computers. It operates by testing their isolated opinions and unvarnished behaviours.

For example, a political campaign might do what’s known as A/B testing of ads, which explores whether ad A or ad B is more successful by issuing two different versions of an ad to determine which one gets more clicks, shares, petition signatures, donations or other measurable behaviour. With this knowledge, a campaign or party can manipulate the ads through multiple versions to get the desired behaviour and result. They also learn about ad audiences for future targeting.

In other words, political parties engaging in this tactic aren’t engaging with Canadians — they’re experimenting on them to see what type of messages, or even what colour schemes or visuals, appeal most. This can be used to shape the campaign or just the determine the style of follow-up messaging to particular users.

University researchers, to name just one example, are bound by strict ethical protocols and approvals, including the principle that participants should consent to the collection of personal information, and to participation in experiments and studies. Political parties have no such standards, despite the high stakes — the very future of democracy and society.

Most citizens think of elections as being about deliberation and collectively deciding what kind of society they want to live in and what kind of future they want to have together as they decide how to cast their ballots.

But with datified campaigning, citizens may not be aware of the political significance of their online actions. Their data trail might cause them to be included, or excluded, from a party’s future campaigning and door-knocking, for example. The process isn’t deliberative, thoughtful or collective.

3. Secret personal data collection

Political parties collect highly personal data about Canadians without their knowledge or consent. Most Canadians are not aware of the extent of the collection by political parties and the range of data they collect, which can include political views, ethnicity, income, religion or online activities, social media IDs, observations of door-knockers and more.

If asked, most Canadians would not consent to the range of data collection by parties.

4. Data can be dangerous in the wrong hands

Some governments can and do use data to punish individuals politically and criminally, sometimes without the protection of the rule of law.

Breaches and misuses of data, cybersecurity experts say, are no longer a question of “if,” but “when.”

Worse, what would happen if the wall between political parties and politicians or government broke down and the personal information collected by parties became available to governments? What if the data were used for political purposes, such as for vetting people for political appointments or government benefits? What if it were used against civil servants?

What if it were to be used at the border, or passed to other governments? What if it were passed to and used by authoritarian governments to harass and punish citizens?

What if it was passed to tech companies and further to data brokers?

OpenMedia recently revealed that Canadians’ data is being passed to the many different data companies political parties use. That data is not necessarily housed in Canada or by Canadian companies.

If provincial law is undermined, there are few protections against any of these problems.

Strengthening democracy

Bill C-4 would erase the possibility of provincial and territorial privacy laws being applied to federal political parties, with virtually nothing remaining. Privacy protection promotes confidence and engagement with democratic processes — particularly online. Erasing privacy protections threatens this confidence and engagement.

The current approach of federal political parties in terms of datified campaigning and privacy law is entirely wrong for this political moment, dangerous to Canadians and dangerous to democracy. Reforms should instead ensure federal political parties must adhere to the same standards as businesses and all levels of government.

Data privacy is important everywhere, but particularly so for political parties, campaigns and democratic engagement. It is important at all times — particularly now.

Sara Bannerman receives funding from the Canada Research Chairs program, the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council, and McMaster University. She has previously received funding from the Office of the Privacy Commissioner’s Contributions Program and the Digital Ecosystem Research Challenge.

– ref. 4 reasons to be concerned about Bill C-4’s threats to Canadian privacy and sovereignty – https://theconversation.com/4-reasons-to-be-concerned-about-bill-c-4s-threats-to-canadian-privacy-and-sovereignty-259331