The ancient braces myth: why our ancestors didn’t need straight teeth

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Saroash Shahid, Reader in Dental Materials, Queen Mary University of London

Hryshchyshen Serhii/Shutterstock.com

Ancient Egyptians and Etruscans pioneered orthodontics, using delicate gold wires and catgut to straighten teeth. It’s a tale that has appeared in dentistry textbooks for decades, portraying our ancestors as surprisingly modern in their pursuit of the perfect smile. But when archaeologists and dental historians finally scrutinised the evidence, they discovered that most of it is myth.

Take the El-Quatta dental bridge from Egypt, dating to around 2500BC. The gold wire found with ancient remains wasn’t doing what we thought at all. Rather than pulling teeth into alignment, these wires were stabilising loose teeth or holding replacement ones in place. In other words, they were functioning as prostheses, not braces.

The gold bands discovered in Etruscan tombs tell a similar story. They were probably dental splints designed to support teeth loosened by gum disease or injury, not devices for moving teeth into new positions.

There are some rather compelling practical reasons why these ancient devices couldn’t have worked as braces anyway. Tests on Etruscan appliances revealed the gold used was 97% pure, and pure gold is remarkably soft.

It bends and stretches easily without breaking, which makes it useless for orthodontics. Braces work by applying continuous pressure over long periods, requiring metal that’s strong and springy. Pure gold simply can’t manage that. Try to tighten it enough to straighten a tooth and it will deform or snap.

Then there’s the curious matter of who was wearing these gold bands. Many were found with the skeletons of women, suggesting they might have been status symbols or decorative jewellery rather than medical devices. Tellingly, none were discovered in the mouths of children or teenagers – exactly where you’d expect to find them if they were genuine orthodontic appliances.

But perhaps the most fascinating revelation is this: ancient people didn’t have the same dental problems we face today.

Malocclusion – the crowding and misalignment of teeth that’s so common now – was extremely rare in the past. Studies of Stone Age skulls show almost no crowding. The difference is down to diet.

Our ancestors ate tough, fibrous foods that required serious chewing. All that jaw work developed strong, large jaws perfectly capable of accommodating all their teeth.

Modern diets, by contrast, are soft and processed, giving our jaws little exercise. The result? Our jaws are often smaller than those of our ancestors, while our teeth remain the same size, leading to the crowding we see today.

Since crooked teeth were virtually non-existent in antiquity, there was hardly any reason to develop methods for straightening them.

A caveman chewing on a bone.
Jaws were larger, due to food being tougher to chew on.
Gorodenkoff/Shutterstock.com

That said, ancient people did occasionally attempt simple interventions for dental irregularities. The Romans provide one of the earliest reliable references to actual orthodontic treatment.

Aulus Cornelius Celsus, a Roman medical writer in the first century AD, noted that if a child’s tooth came in crooked, they should gently push it into place with a finger every day until it shifted to the correct position. Although basic, this method is built on the same principle we use today – gentle, continuous pressure can move a tooth.

After the Roman era, little progress occurred for centuries. By the 18th century, however, interest in straightening teeth had revived, albeit through some rather agonising methods.

Those without access to modern dental tools resorted to wooden “swelling wedges” to create space between overcrowded teeth. A small wedge of wood was inserted between teeth. As saliva was absorbed, the wood expanded, forcing the teeth apart. Crude and excruciating, perhaps, but it represented a step towards understanding that teeth could be repositioned through pressure.

Scientific orthodontics

Real scientific orthodontics began with French dentist Pierre Fauchard’s work in 1728. Often called the father of modern dentistry, Fauchard published a landmark two-volume book, The Surgeon Dentist, containing the first detailed description of treating malocclusions.

He developed the “bandeau” – a curved metal strip wrapped around teeth to widen the dental arch. This was the first tool specifically designed to move teeth using controlled force.

Fauchard also described using threads to support teeth after repositioning. His work marked the crucial shift from ancient myths and painful experiments to a scientific approach that eventually led to modern braces and clear aligners.

With advances in dentistry during the 19th and 20th centuries, orthodontics became a specialist field. Metal brackets, archwires, elastics and eventually stainless steel made treatment more predictable.

Later innovations – ceramic brackets, lingual braces and clear aligners – made the process more discreet. Today, orthodontics employs digital scans, computer models, and 3D printing for remarkably precise treatment planning.

The image of ancient people sporting gold and catgut braces is certainly appealing and dramatic, but it doesn’t match the evidence.

Ancient civilisations were aware of dental problems and occasionally attempted simple solutions. Yet they had neither the necessity nor the technology to move teeth as we do now.

The real story of orthodontics doesn’t begin in the ancient world but with the scientific breakthroughs of the 18th century and beyond – a history that’s fascinating enough without the myths.

The Conversation

Saroash Shahid does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. The ancient braces myth: why our ancestors didn’t need straight teeth – https://theconversation.com/the-ancient-braces-myth-why-our-ancestors-didnt-need-straight-teeth-270962

Online ‘brainrot’ isn’t ruining children’s minds – it’s a new way of navigating the modern internet

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Oli Buckley, Professor in Cyber Security, Loughborough University

Alena A/Shutterstock

“Brainrot” is what many people call the chaotic, fast-moving memes, sounds and catchphrases that spread across TikTok, Roblox and online gaming and into playgrounds. An example is the endlessly repeated chant of “six-seven”, which still echoes through houses and schools across the country – to the bewilderment (or annoyance) of many teachers and parents.

But if you’ve ever said “I’ll be back” in a mock-Arnie voice or asked “you talkin’ to me?”, you’ve already engaged in a form of brainrot. The instinct to repeat and remix lines from the culture around us is nothing new.

What has changed is the source material. For young people growing up in a digital world, quotable moments don’t come from films or TV but from TikTok edits, Roblox streams, speedrun memes, Minecraft mods (modifications) and the fast-paced humour of online gaming.

Hearing a child burst into the looping “Skibidi dop dop dop yes yes” audio from the Skibidi Toilet trend, or repeat a surreal line from a Roblox NPC (non-player character), might sound like nonsense to adults. For the younger generation these fragments slot neatly into a fast-paced, highly referential style of humour. Today’s equivalents are faster, more layered and often more chaotic, with that chaos very much part of the appeal.

Although brainrot is often used knowingly and with a touch of irony to describe these phrases, remixing and repeating fragments of media has always been part of how people connect. It creates a shared cultural code, a second language made of references, rhythms and sounds that bind groups together and turn everyday moments into opportunities for humour and social connection. In many ways, this style of communication offers lightness and playfulness in a world that can often feel slow and muted by comparison.

Changing play

Brainrot is changing how children play online. Many adults grew up with video games that were built around structure. In Pokémon, Zelda or Half-Life, you cleared goals, quests and puzzles to reach endings. Even when games were open-world, giving you nearly total freedom to choose what challenges you take on and when, there was an underlying design logic you were meant to follow.

Those experiences shaped how we thought about play, and later how we approached designing games and interactive tools in research. Structure, narrative and pacing felt fundamental.

Watching children engage with today’s digital culture, and particularly with what gets called brainrot, challenges these assumptions. Their experiences aren’t always built around long-form story arcs or carefully crafted mechanics and challenges. Instead, it’s fluid, fragmentary and relentlessly social.

They jump between Roblox games, short TikTok edits, chaotic Minecraft mods and meme-based jokes without losing the thread. What sometimes looks like disjointed overstimulation to adults is entirely coherent to them. They’re fluent in a form of digital literacy that involves stitching together references, humour, audio, images and interactions at high speed.

Brainrot and research

From a research perspective, this has been a timely reminder that how children engage online changes. Young people aren’t abandoning meaningful play, they’re interacting with an online environment that is dramatically different from the one their parents grew up with.

There is research that raises questions about whether switching between short, chaotic bursts of content might affect attention or wellbeing for some users. For example, a recent study found associations between heavy use of short-form video apps and poorer sleep in adolescents, but also noted that higher social anxiety partly explained this pattern.

A broader analysis of a number of research studies reported similar correlations between heavier use and lower scores on attention tasks, as well as higher stress and anxiety. But these findings do not show causation. It remains unclear whether short-form content affects attention, or whether young people with particular cognitive styles simply gravitate towards media that already fits how they process information.

This shift has changed how we design games for learning. Instead of assuming attention must be sustained in a single direction, we think more about how curiosity works in shorter bursts, how play can be modular, and how meaning can emerge from participation rather than instruction.

Brainrot may not be something we’d replicate directly in an educational game, but some of its qualities, its pace, its playfulness, its remixing of ideas, can offer valuable prompts for thinking differently about how young people engage.
The way we learn is constantly evolving and it doesn’t always fit our older frameworks. Rather than resisting that, there’s value in trying to understand it, and in meeting them where they already are.

If we want to understand why brainrot resonates so strongly with children, it helps to see it not as meaningless noise, but as a form of social communication. These references work as inside jokes, but ones that can be remixed endlessly.

This is part of the appeal: brainrot is malleable, collaborative and playful. If you understand it, then you can riff on it, combine it, subvert it, and use it to signal belonging. There’s a enticing level of creativity stitched into the chaos.

There is also an element of self-awareness in much of brainrot culture. Its absurdity isn’t accidental, it’s part of the joke. In that sense it has echoes of earlier artistic or cultural movements that embraced nonsense or playful subversion. One of the key things is that this isn’t something imposed on children by companies or algorithms. Brainrot is something young people choose to build together, adapting and evolving references within their own circles.

Brainrot isn’t evidence that young people are disengaged or unimaginative. It’s a reflection of how they make sense of a digital world that is fast, fragmented and overflowing with ideas.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Online ‘brainrot’ isn’t ruining children’s minds – it’s a new way of navigating the modern internet – https://theconversation.com/online-brainrot-isnt-ruining-childrens-minds-its-a-new-way-of-navigating-the-modern-internet-268623

Why brides are still reluctant to choose secondhand wedding dresses

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Lauren Thomas, Senior Lecturer in Marketing & Events, University of South Wales

shutterstock Dochynets Maryna/Shutterstock

Secondhand fashion is booming, yet most brides – even those who care about sustainability – still choose to walk down the aisle in a new wedding dress.

It’s a striking contradiction. Wedding gowns are expensive and resource-intensive to produce. They require large amounts of fabric and water for a garment worn only once. And while many couples are thinking more carefully about the environmental cost of their celebrations, secondhand bridalwear remains the exception rather than the norm.

Our research with UK brides uncovers why so many continue to resist the broader shift toward pre-loved fashion, when it comes to their big day. What we found is that wedding dresses carry cultural and emotional power far beyond their physical form.

For many brides, choosing the dress is a symbolic milestone in the transition from partner to wife. TV shows like Say Yes to the Dress have cemented the idea of a magical, transformative moment. It’s a moment that often involves loved ones, tears and the collective recognition of “the one”. Within this cultural script, the wedding dress is meant to signal the start of a new identity.

A bride trying on a wedding dress in a boutique, with a consultant adjusting the gown.
shutterstock.
VisualProduction/Shutterstock

We interviewed 18 brides for our study. Many felt that secondhand options disrupt this narrative. Brides revealed to us that wearing a pre-loved dress would feel like stepping into someone else’s story, making it harder for them to imagine their own.

Most brides in our study cared about the environment and liked the idea of greener choices, but sustainability rarely shaped the final decision. Brides often found themselves weighing their personal values against a deeply ingrained emotional script from their childhood about how the wedding should feel and who they aspire to be on the day.

The dress played a central role in this identity transition. Brides used it to express the version of themselves they wanted to present as they became a wife, relying on fit, tailoring and style to craft that image. This made control especially important.

Many felt that secondhand options limited their ability to shape the dress around their identity. They worried about alterations, condition and whether a pre-owned dress could truly carry the personal meaning they envisioned.

Shopping for the dress was also part of this transition. Many brides pictured a boutique appointment with family or friends, where they could try on different versions of themselves and choose “the one”. This moment helped them confirm the role they were stepping into.

Secondhand shopping rarely supports this experience. Charity shops may feel informal or lack privacy, and online platforms remove the chance to feel the fabric or judge the fit. Without a space that carries the emotional weight of the choice, the brides we spoke to felt the transition was disrupted.

Practical issues added further pressure. Secondhand dresses are one-offs, which limits control over size and style, and their condition can be difficult to assess. These barriers weakened brides’ sense of control over how they would look and feel on the day.

Misconceptions reinforced this reluctance. Many brides simply did not know what secondhand options existed or how to navigate them. Some assumed the dresses would be dated, damaged or unhygienic. Without clear guidance or visibility, most brides never explored secondhand seriously, even if they liked the idea in principle.

What secondhand needs to offer

For brides to consider secondhand, the shopping experience must help them feel in control and emotionally connected to the dress. Brides in our study wanted curated boutiques offering fittings, expert guidance and reassurance about cleaning and alterations, all within a calm space where they could imagine themselves on their wedding day.

They also wanted secondhand options to be easier to find and navigate. Presenting pre-loved dresses as unique and meaningful, rather than as compromises, may help them feel like a credible part of the journey into married life.

Brides are not only choosing a dress. They are managing an identity shift. The wedding dress is one of the main items they use to shape who they will be on their wedding day. Sustainability matters, but it rarely outweighs the powerful symbolic and emotional role the wedding dress plays.

Secondhand bridalwear will only thrive if it supports this emotional transition. Greater visibility, stronger emotional resonance and an experience that helps brides feel the dress is truly theirs, may encourage others to choose secondhand without sacrificing the meaning they attach to becoming a wife.

The Conversation

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Why brides are still reluctant to choose secondhand wedding dresses – https://theconversation.com/why-brides-are-still-reluctant-to-choose-secondhand-wedding-dresses-271238

Street food in Mombasa: how city life shaped the modern meal

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Devin Smart, Assistant Professor, Department of History, West Virginia University

Chapati can be made on the street and paired with meat and vegetables. Ssemmanda Will/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA

As Kenya’s cities grew, more and more people left their rural homes and subsistence farming systems to go to urban settlements like Mombasa to find work. In the city, meals were paid for with cash, a major transformation in Kenya’s food systems.

A new book called Preparing the Modern Meal is an urban history that explores these processes. We asked historian Devin Smart about his study.


What’s the colonial history of Mombasa?

At the turn of the 20th century, the British were expanding their empire throughout sub-Saharan Africa, including the parts of east Africa that would become Kenya.

They built a railway that connected the port town of Mombasa on the Indian Ocean coast with the newly established Protectorate of Uganda in the interior. This created the foundations of the colonial economy and drove urbanisation.

While Nairobi grew in the Kenyan highlands, Mombasa became the most important port in east Africa. The city grew fast as people came to work at the railway, docks and in other parts of the urban economy.

After independence in 1963, cities like Mombasa carried on growing rapidly and more and more people started working in the informal sector, which included making and selling street food.

How did rural people get their food?

During the early 1900s, the cuisines of east Africa’s agrarian (farming) societies were mostly vegetarian. Much of the food people ate was grown in their own fields, though there were also regional markets.

These communities grew lots of staple crops like sorghum, millet, maize, bananas, cassava, and sweet potatoes. They also had legumes, greens, and dairy products as regular parts of their meals.

These ingredients were prepared into a variety of dishes, like the Kikuyu staple irio, a mash of bananas with maize kernels and legumes added to it. The Kamba often ate isio, a combination of beans and maize kernels, while the Luo who lived along the shores of Lake Victoria regularly included a dish called kuon as part of their cuisine. It’s a thick porridge of boiled milled grain (often millet), eaten with fish or vegetables to add contrasting flavours and textures.

In these communities, the daily meal was also defined by seasonal variety. Food changed depending on what was being harvested or what stores of ingredients were dwindling. These were also gendered food systems, with women doing much of the farming work and nearly all the cooking.

In my book, I consider the dramatic changes in how east Africans came by their food when they left these rural food systems for the city.

How was food organised in the city?

In Mombasa, they entered a food system organised around commercial exchange. My study is about Kenya, but the story it reflects is one that’s unfolded on a global scale. The shift from subsistence to commodified food systems, from growing your own to buying it from others, has been one of the central features of the modern world.

By the 1930s, most people in Mombasa bought nearly all their food with cash, visiting small dried-goods grocers, fresh-produce vendors, and working-class eateries. In this urban food system, the seasonal variety of rural cuisines was increasingly replaced by the regularity of commercial supply chains.

A hand holds a folded flatbread above a plate of rice and beans.
Pilau, beans and chapati.
Teddykip/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY

This was especially the case with staple grains. In the countryside, people ate a variety of grains, but in Mombasa maize meal and wheat became daily staples eaten year-round, transforming east African foodways.

Migration also changed domestic labour in the kitchen. Many migrant men now lived in homes without women, which meant they had to prepare their own food, often for significant periods of their lives.

However, the idea that cooking was the work of women proved enduring. When women joined these households in the city, they again prepared the family’s meals.

How did street food emerge?

By the 1930s, Mombasa had a fast-growing working class. The majority of the town’s workers spent their days in the industrial district, around the railway and port. Many also had to commute a considerable distance to work.

With the long working day of urban capitalism, returning home for a filling lunch wasn’t practical, which created strong demand for affordable prepared food at midday. As this was happening, many in the city also struggled to find consistent jobs and turned to informal trades like street food to earn a living.

This convergence of supply and demand led to the rapid growth of the street food industry around the 1950s, with people opening eateries in makeshift structures outside the gates to the port and in nearby alleyways, parks, and other open spaces.

What kind of food was served?

At these working-class food spots, a popular dish was chapati, an east African version of the South Asian flatbread. People could complement it with beans, meat, or fried fish, along with githeri, a mixture of maize kernels and beans (similar to isio).

In later decades, ugali, the ubiquitous Kenyan staple made from maize meal, became more common at street food eateries, as did Swahili versions of Indian Ocean dishes like pilau (aromatic rice with meat) and biryani (rice with meat braised in a spice-infused tomato sauce).

How were street food vendors policed?

The business model that made street food work in Mombasa’s economy also brought these vendors into regular conflict with the city’s administration. Street food vendors kept overheads and thus prices low because they avoided rents and licensing fees by squatting on open land in makeshift structures.

But, in an era of urban development and modernisation, many officials desired a different kind of city, one without this kind of informal land use and architecture. Authorities began campaigns to remove these businesses from Mombasa’s landscape, arresting vendors and demolishing their structures.

This also created a tension, though, because the city’s workers, including those at the port and railway who ran the most important transportation choke point in east Africa’s regional economy, needed affordable meals at lunch.

Given that informal trade had become essential to Mombasa’s economy, there were limits on how far these campaigns could be pushed. However, arrests and demolitions did still occur, and sometimes on a dramatic, city-wide scale, which made street food a precarious way to earn a living in Kenya’s port town.

For example, in 2001, the Kenyan government launched a massive demolition campaign to clear informal business structures from city sidewalks, parks and open spaces.

After the demolitions, many rebuilt and reopened their street food businesses, but in less visible parts of town and on side streets rather than main roads. Today, these eateries remain an essential part of Mombasa’s economy and food system.

What do you hope readers will take away from the book?

I hope that readers will see how food history helps us understand the ways that capitalism transformed the modern world.

The regional focus of the book is east Africa, but it explores themes relevant to the history of capitalism more generally, including the gendered division of household labour, the commercialisation of everyday needs and wants, and the political and economic struggles of working-class communities to find space for themselves in modern cities.

The Conversation

The research for this book was supported with funding from the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign and West Virginia University.

ref. Street food in Mombasa: how city life shaped the modern meal – https://theconversation.com/street-food-in-mombasa-how-city-life-shaped-the-modern-meal-266590

Oldest known cremation in Africa poses 9,500-year-old mystery about Stone Age hunter-gatherers

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Jessica C. Thompson, Assistant Professor of Anthropology, Yale University

Why did this community burn one woman’s remains in such a visible, spectacular way? Patrick Fahey

Near the equator, the Sun hurries below the horizon in a matter of minutes. Darkness seeps from the surrounding forest. Nearly 10,000 years ago, at the base of a mountain in Africa, people’s shadows stretch up the wall of a natural overhang of stone.

They’re lit by a ferocious fire that’s been burning for hours, visible even to people miles away. The wind carries the smell of burning. This fire will linger in community memory for generations − and in the archaeological record for far longer.

We are a team of bioarchaeologists, archaeologists and forensic anthropologists who, with our colleagues, recently discovered the earliest evidence of cremation – the transformation of a body from flesh to burned bone fragments and ashes – in Africa and the earliest example of an adult pyre cremation in the world.

Small map of Africa next to a big image of a bare rock mountaintop at sunset. The slopes are covered in forest.
The pyre was found under a giant boulder near the base of Mount Hora. The site is in Malawi, which is outlined in black within the Zambezian forest (colored green) on the map of Africa.
Jessica Thompson and Natural Earth

It’s no easy task to produce, create and maintain an open fire strong enough to completely burn a human body. While the earliest cremation in the world dates to about 40,000 years ago in Australia, that body was not fully burned.

It is far more effective to use a pyre: an intentionally built structure of combustible fuel. Pyres appear in the archaeological record only about 11,500 years ago, with the earliest known example containing a cremated child under a house floor in Alaska.

Many cultures have practiced cremation, and the bones, ash and other residues from these events help archaeologists piece together past funeral rituals. Our scientific paper, published in the journal Science Advances, describes a spectacular event that happened about 9,500 years ago in Malawi in south-central Africa, challenging long-held notions about how hunter-gatherers treat their dead.

people with digging tools against a landscape that looks like hardpacked earth
Excavators standing at the depth of the pyre at the Hora 1 site in northern Malawi.
Jessica Thompson

The discovery

At first it was just a hint of ash, then more. It expanded downward and outward, becoming thicker and harder. Pockets of dark earth briefly appeared and disappeared under trowels and brushes until one of the excavators stopped. They pointed to a small bone at the base of a 1½-foot (0.5-meter) wall of archaeological ash revealed under a natural stone overhang at the Hora 1 archaeological site in northern Malawi.

The bone was the broken end of a humerus, from the upper arm of a person. And clinging to the very end of it was the matching end of the lower arm, the radius. Here was a human elbow joint, burned and fractured, preserved in sediments full of debris from the daily lives of Stone Age hunter-gatherers.

We wondered whether this could be a funeral pyre, but such structures are extremely rare in the archaeological record.

man kneeling on a board measures down into the excavated area
Excavators began finding a thick ash deposit about 2 feet (0.6 meters) under the modern-day surface of the rock shelter.
Jessica Thompson

Finding a cremated person from the Stone Age also seemed impossible because cremation is not generally practiced by African foragers, either living or ancient. The earliest evidence of burned human remains from Africa date to around 7,500 years ago, but that body was incompletely burned, and there was no evidence of a pyre.

The first clear cases of cremation date to around 3,300 years ago, carried out by early pastoralists in eastern Africa. But overall the practice remained rare and is associated with food-producing societies and not hunter-gatherers.

We found more charred human remains in a small cluster, while the ash layer itself was as large as a queen bed. The blaze must have been enormous.

When we returned from fieldwork and received our first radiocarbon dates, we were shocked again: The event had happened about 9,500 years ago.

Piecing together the events

We built a team of specialists to piece together what had happened. By applying forensic and bioarchaeological techniques, we confirmed that all the bones belonged to a single person who was cremated shortly after her death.

This was a small adult, probably a woman, just under 5 feet (1.5 meters) in height. In life, she was physically active, with a strong upper body, but had evidence of a partially healed bone infection on her arm. Bone development and the beginnings of arthritis suggested she was probably middle-aged when she died.

Three images showing thin marks on a gray bone fragment. The images get more zoomed in moving to the right.
Marks incised on the shaft of the lower arm bone (radius) were inflicted by a stone tool. The bone then turned gray as it burned. The area in the box on the left is enlarged on the right of the image.
Jessica Thompson

Patterns of warping, cracks and discoloration caused by fire damage showed her body was burned with some flesh still on it, in a fire reaching at least 1,000 degrees Fahrenheit (540 degrees Celsius). Under the microscope we could see tiny incisions along her arms and at muscle connections on her legs, revealing that people tending the pyre used stone tools to help the process along by removing flesh.

Six fragments of shiny white and brown stone on a black background.
Tiny pointed tools made from local stone were found within the pyre. They were probably made at the same time that it burned.
Justin Pargeter

Within the pyre ash, we found many small pointed chips of stone that suggested people had added tools to the fire as it burned.

And the way the bones were clustered inside such a large fire showed that this was not a case of cannibalism: It was some other kind of ritual.

Perhaps most surprisingly, we found no evidence of her head. Skull bones and teeth usually preserve well in cremations because they are very dense. While we can’t know for sure, the absence of these body parts suggest her head may have been removed before or during the cremation as part of the funeral ritual.

A communal spectacle

We determined that the pyre must have been built and maintained by multiple people who were actively engaged in the event. During new excavations the following year, we found even more bone fragments from the same ancient woman, displaced and colored differently from in the main pyre. These additional remains suggest that the body was manipulated, attended and moved during the cremation.

Microscopic analysis of ash samples from across the pyre included blackened fungus, reddened soil from termite structures, and microscopic plant remains. These helped us estimate that people collected at least 70 pounds (30 kg) of deadwood to do the task and stoked the fire for hours to days.

We also learned that this was not the first fire at the Hora 1 site – nor its last. To our astonishment, what had seemed during fieldwork to be a single massive pile of ash was in fact a layered series of burning events. Radiocarbon dating of the ash samples showed that people began lighting fires on that spot by about 10,240 years ago. The same location was used to construct the cremation pyre several hundred years later. As the pyre smoldered, new fires were kindled on top of it, resulting in fused ashes in microscopic layers.

A mix of grey, brown, white and black colors showing what soil and ash looks like under a microscope.
Loose, sandy, burned soil was mixed on top of very thin layers of ash, showing that the pyre was lit over and over again.
Flora Schilt

Within a few hundred years of the main event, another large fire was built again at the exact same place. While there is no evidence that anyone else was cremated in the subsequent fires, the fact that people repeatedly returned to the spot for this purpose suggests its significance lived on in community memory.

A new view of ancient cremation

What does all of this tell us about ancient hunter-gatherers in the region?

For one, it shows that entire communities were engaged in a mortuary spectacle of extraordinary scale. An open pyre can take more than a day of constant tending and an enormous amount of fuel to fully reduce a body, and during this time the sights and smells of burning wood and other remains are impossible to hide.

This scale of mortuary effort is unexpected for this time and place. In the African record, complex multigenerational mortuary rituals tied to specific places are generally not associated with a hunting-and-gathering way of life.

flames of a pyre against dark black background
The pyre event was a spectacle that required many hours of communal effort and would have been impossible to hide.
Anders Blomqvist/Stone via Getty Images

It also shows that different people were treated in different ways in death, raising the possibility of more complex social roles in life. Other men, women and children were buried at the Hora 1 site beginning as early as 16,000 years ago. In fact, those other burials have provided ancient DNA evidence showing they were part of a long-term local group. But those burials, and others that came a few hundred years after the pyre, were interred without this labor-intensive spectacle.

What about this person was different? Was she a beloved family member or an outsider? Was this treatment because of something she did in life or a specific hope for the afterlife? Additional excavation and data from across the region may help us better understand why this person was cremated and what cremation meant to this group.

Whoever she was, her death had important meaning not just to the people who made and tended the pyre, but also to the generations that came after.

The Conversation

Jessica C. Thompson has received funding for this research from the Wenner-Gren Foundation, National Geographic Society, and Hyde Family Foundations. She is affiliated with the Yale Peabody Museum and the Institute of Human Origins.

Elizabeth Sawchuk and Jessica Cerezo-Román do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Oldest known cremation in Africa poses 9,500-year-old mystery about Stone Age hunter-gatherers – https://theconversation.com/oldest-known-cremation-in-africa-poses-9-500-year-old-mystery-about-stone-age-hunter-gatherers-268074

Three climate New Year’s resolutions that will fail – and four that can actually stick

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Anastasia Denisova, Senior Lecturer in Journalism, University of Westminster

Going cold turkey on flights is tough. Instead, resolve to take the train where possible. Jaromir Chalabala / shutterstock

Four in five adults in the UK say they have changed their lifestyle to help tackle environmental change. The New Year is a good time to implement changes to behaviour, but our willpower is finite.

The secret isn’t to be more virtuous, but to be strategic.

If you want 2026 to be the year you make a difference without burning out, here is what the evidence suggests you should prioritise – and what you should ignore.

Here are some resolutions that are likely to work.

1. Buy clothes from a reselling platform once a month

Immediate gratification is one of the most reliable predictors of long-term success. A vow to “buy nothing” is miserable and hard to keep. A vow to “buy second hand” gives you a treasure hunt.

A garment spends 2.2 years on average in a UK wardrobe, while fashion remains one of the biggest polluters – that’s why buying lots of outfits from the high street is problematic. Reselling platforms such as Vinted, Depop and eBay, or charity shops, can provide a guilt-free solution to the endless consumption encouraged by the fashion media and influencers.

2. Make plans with friends

Making changes is hard – and it’s even harder doing it alone. We are social animals, susceptible to “social proof” – naturally adopting the behaviour of people we admire or respect.

Leverage this by finding your herd. Identify a couple of friends, family members or colleagues who are interested in gardening, walks in nature, mending clothes, volunteering at a local farm or attending or teaching a zero-waste cooking workshop. Having a plan acts as scaffolding for a new habit, but making that plan with friends turns an eco-practice into a social event you actually look forward to.

two people gardening in an allotment
Rope your friends in – they’ll help you stick to your resolutions.
Monkey Business Images / shutterstock

3. Indulge in grains, vegetables and dips twice a week

Numerous studies warn about the harmful effects of a meat-heavy diet. But for “meat-attached” eaters, going cold turkey (or cold tofu) rarely works.

Instead, use positive framing. Not “eat less of this”, but “eat more of this”. Change “meat-free Monday” to “hummus-heavy Mondays”. Research shows that the most unshakeable burger enthusiasts can still be convinced to reduce their meat intake through the argument of food purity (avoiding hormones and factory farming) and the health benefits (weight control, cholesterol). Frame the resolution as indulging in grains, vegetables and dips, rather than restricting meat.

4. The ‘boring’ one: write to your MP

Less entertaining than other resolutions, this suggestion is nonetheless likely to have longer and wider repercussions. Leading climate thinkers such as academics Hannah Ritchie and Kimberly Nicholas argue that influencing policy is a stronger action than adjusting your individual behaviour.

A letter written to your local MP can echo in the higher echelons of power. Imagine your representative telling the Prime Minister: “my constituents are demanding greener energy and transport”. It takes 15 minutes. Charities such as Friends of the Earth even provide templates. It’s a low-effort, high-impact resolution.

On the other hand, there are some resolutions that are more likely to fail.

1. The ‘I will never fly again’ trap

Giving up flying is an effective way to shrink your carbon footprint, but it’s a tough New Year resolution to stick to. For many with family abroad or tight budgets, the price disparity between cheap (often heavily subsidised) flights and expensive trains makes this difficult to sustain, adding financial complications to an already tricky ethical dilemma.

A more realistic approach would be to commit to “no domestic flights” or “trains where possible”. Save the hardline stance for when the mince pies have settled.

2. Trying to go ‘all green’ at once

Beware the “sustainable consumption paradox”. This is the paralysis that comes from being overwhelmed with information when trying to make greener choices: worrying that your recycled plastic takes too much energy to produce, or if your fair trade coffee caused deforestation.

Trying to fix every aspect of your life leads to information overload and failure. Pick two or three battles, no more.

3. Converting the non-believers

Resolving to convert your friends and family is a recipe for conflict, not change. Shame triggers defensiveness, not action.

Instead, lead by example. Talk about your new habits casually – mention the bargain you found on Vinted or your new recipe for beef-free bolognese – without preaching. You are more likely to plant a seed with enthusiasm than with a smug lecture.

Eco-awareness is very high in the UK, so if you’re reading this, know that you’re in the majority. The best strategy to turn concern into action is to quiet the overthinking and begin 2026 with optimism and a realistic, achievable commitment.

The Conversation

Anastasia Denisova received funding from JJ Trust for her research policy brief Fashion Media and Sustainability.

ref. Three climate New Year’s resolutions that will fail – and four that can actually stick – https://theconversation.com/three-climate-new-years-resolutions-that-will-fail-and-four-that-can-actually-stick-271988

Why New Year’s resolutions might feel harder this year – and what could help

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Vlad Glăveanu, Professor of Psychology, Business School, Dublin City University

Boontoom Sae-Kor/Shutterstock

The start of a new year has long been considered an important moment for personal change. Psychological research shows that calendar landmarks such as birthdays, Mondays or the new year can act as mental reset points, making people more likely to reflect on their lives and attempt new goals. This phenomenon was described by researchers more than a decade ago as the “fresh start effect”.

Yet many people reach the new year less enthusiastically than they once did. We live in a world in which mental wellness is deteriorating, particularly among young people, and in which being asked to imagine change can be daunting. Climate anxiety, political instability and economic precarity can all make the idea of “starting over” seem unrealistic.

Research also shows that repeated or imposed change can lead to change fatigue. This is a state of emotional exhaustion that reduces people’s willingness to engage with new initiatives, even when they are presented as positive. Rather than renewing hope, calls for change can provoke scepticism, withdrawal or disengagement in these people.

Our ability to imagine the future is not unlimited. Studies on anxiety and uncertainty consistently show that when people feel under threat or lack control, their future-oriented thinking narrows. Instead of imagining a range of possibilities, people tend to focus on risks, losses and worst-case scenarios.

So if you’re struggling to make changes, the problem is not necessarily a lack of imagination or hope. It could be that circumstances are making it difficult for hope and imagination to operate.

My own research at the DCU Centre for Possibility Studies focuses on what psychologists call possibility thinking. This is about how people perceive what could be different, explore alternatives and feel able to act. A 2024 study showed that these elements need to support each other. When people can see opportunities but feel unable to act on them, or feel motivated but unable to imagine alternatives, meaningful change is difficult.

Woman in suit sitting at desk with hands over her face under her glasses
Feeling too frazzled to set a resolution? It could be change fatigue.
CrizzyStudio/Shutterstock

This pattern emerged in a December 2025 study I co-authored, which involved teachers taking part in a professional development programme meant to stimulate possibility thinking. During the study, participants found out they would soon move into a new school building, as their existing school was to be demolished. Many teachers reported emotional fatigue in response to the prospect of having to “start over” yet again. Instead of excitement, the dominant response was depletion and reduced motivation.

Although this example concerns a life transition rather than the new year, it helps to explain why fresh starts can feel harder in the current climate. When people feel that a change is unfair, badly supported and might harm them, they are less likely to get behind it and more likely to push back. This can undermine their capacity to engage with new possibilities.

This also helps explain why many New Year’s resolutions don’t stick: people often treat them as tests of pure willpower, but research shows that lasting change depends much more on how goals are set up, supported and built into everyday life.

Decades of research on behaviour change show that motivation is shaped by context. Time pressure, financial stress, caring responsibilities and institutional constraints all limit what people can realistically change, regardless of their intentions.

Rather than focusing on dramatic reinvention, it may be more realistic to ask what small shifts are possible within the constraints you’re under. Possibility thinking does not mean ignoring limits or pretending everything will improve. It involves learning how to work creatively with constraints, rather than against them.

For example, someone who knows they have limited time and energy might set a resolution like: “I will add a 10‑minute walk into my daily routine, such as after lunch or school drop‑off, and adjust it each week based on what is actually workable for me.”

It’s also important to recognise that imagining the future doesn’t have to be an individual activity. Research on shared or collective agency shows that people are better at envisioning and sustaining change when responsibility is distributed across groups, whether in families, workplaces or communities. Discussing limits and possibilities together can expand what feels achievable.

For example, a family might make a shared resolution to eat more home‑cooked meals, dividing tasks so that one person plans the menu, another cooks on certain nights, and children help with prep. That way, the change is carried and sustained by the group rather than one person.

In the end, the new year is a powerful cultural moment. But in a world shaped by uncertainty and fatigue, renewal is unlikely to come from pressure to “start fresh” or try harder. It may come, instead, from learning to imagine differently: with others, within limits, and in ways that make positive, even if small, changes still feel possible.

The Conversation

Vlad Glăveanu does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Why New Year’s resolutions might feel harder this year – and what could help – https://theconversation.com/why-new-years-resolutions-might-feel-harder-this-year-and-what-could-help-272456

Five ways to improve your health this year that don’t rely on losing weight

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Rachel Woods, Senior Lecturer in Physiology, University of Lincoln

PeopleImages/Shutterstock

Every January, internet searches for the terms “diet” and “weight loss” surge, gyms become busier and diet trends spread across social media. But research shows that most people who try the latest quick-fix plan do not keep the weight off.

Focusing on weight alone can overshadow other changes that improve health in more reliable and sustainable ways. Some of these may lead to weight loss and some may not, but the benefits are clear either way.

Here are five evidence-based resolutions that can support better health – and none are about losing weight.

1. Eat more plants

Eating more plants does not mean you have to become vegetarian. If you eat meat and want to continue, that is fine. You can still increase the amount and variety of plant foods on your plate.




Read more:
The 30-plants-a-week challenge: you’ll still see gut health benefits even if you don’t meet this goal


There is a vast amount of research showing that diets rich in plant foods are linked with lower risks of major diseases. A meta-analysis of more than 2.2 million adults found that consistently sticking to a plant-based dietary pattern was associated with significantly lower risks of type 2 diabetes, cardiovascular disease, cancer and all-cause mortality (the risk of dying from any cause).

Although that study focused on people limiting or avoiding meat, other research has shown that even among omnivores, each additional 200 g of fruits and vegetables per day is linked with reduced risk of coronary heart disease, cardiovascular disease, cancer, stroke and premature mortality (dying earlier than expected for someone of your age).

Adding more plants is one of the simplest ways to improve your diet. This includes fruit and vegetables, but also grains, nuts, seeds, herbs, spices and pulses.

2. Exercise

If exercise were a pill, it would be prescribed to everyone. It is one of the most effective things you can do for your health.

Although exercise is often discussed in the context of weight loss, it is not as effective for losing weight as many people assume. Its real value lies in helping to maintain a healthy body weight and supporting overall health.




Read more:
The exercise paradox: why workouts aren’t great for weight loss but useful for maintaining a healthy body weight


Research has shown that exercise alone improves several important health markers. It can raise levels of HDL cholesterol, often called “good cholesterol”, because higher levels help protect against heart disease. It also lowers triglycerides, a type of fat in the blood that increases cardiovascular risk when elevated.

Exercise helps the body regulate blood glucose more effectively, and it reduces arterial stiffness, meaning the arteries stay more flexible and less prone to the strain that increases the risk of heart disease and stroke. It can also reduce liver fat, which lowers the likelihood of developing non-alcoholic fatty liver disease. All of these improvements can happen even when a person’s weight stays the same.

More broadly, exercise has been shown to improve fitness, quality of life, sleep and symptoms of depression. These benefits arise because physical activity boosts blood flow to the brain, releases mood-supporting chemicals such as endorphins and helps regulate circadian rhythms – the internal 24-hour cycles that guide sleep, wakefulness, hormone release and other essential functions.

The best type of exercise is the one you enjoy, because you are more likely to stick to it. The benefits come from consistency. Building movement into everyday routines, such as taking the stairs, walking part of your commute or cycling the school run, can be as effective as structured workouts. This also means you do not need an expensive gym membership that might be abandoned by the end of January.

These approaches are not possible for everyone, so finding something that fits your circumstances is important. If you are new to exercise, easing in and building up gradually helps reduce the risk of injury and gives your body time to adapt.

3. Stress

This one is easier said than done, since stress is not usually something we choose. But it can have wide-ranging effects on the body. Long-term stress can weaken the immune system, raise blood pressure and cholesterol and disrupt sleep.

It can also change how we eat. Research suggests that around 40% of people eat more when stressed, another 40% eat less and about 20% do not change how much they eat.

Regardless of direction, the types of foods chosen often shift towards more pleasurable options higher in fat and sugar. Stress has also been linked with eating fewer fruits and vegetables.

Looking at what is driving your stress and seeing whether any part of it can be eased or managed differently can have meaningful effects on health.

4. Sleep

Sleep has a major impact on health. Not getting enough is linked with a range of physical and mental health conditions, including high blood pressure, heart disease, dementia and depression.

Adults are usually advised to get around seven hours a night, although this varies from person to person.

Sleep also influences diet. Lack of sleep has been linked with increased appetite and food intake. It also tends to increase preferences for high-energy foods such as sweets and fast food, partly because sleep deprivation disrupts hormones that regulate hunger and craving.




Read more:
Gut microbes may have links with sleep deprivation


This advice can feel frustrating for people dealing with insomnia or caring responsibilities. But making a realistic plan to improve sleep, where possible, may be a new year resolution that pays off over time.

5. Alcohol

Alcohol is linked with long-term risks such as cancer, heart disease and liver disease. But even in the short term, it can disrupt sleep because alcohol changes sleep stages and reduces the amount of restorative deep sleep. Alcohol can also influence appetite and food choices by lowering inhibitions and making high-calorie foods seem more appealing.

NHS guidance advises people not to drink more than 14 units a week on a regular basis (equivalent to six pints of average-strength beer or 10 small glasses of lower-strength wine) and to have several “drink free days” per week. This guideline is intended to keep the risk of alcohol-related illness low, but research shows there is no completely safe level of drinking.

Enjoying a drink now and then is a personal choice. But reducing how much you drink is an evidence-based way to improve health.

Many new year resolutions focus on weight, yet long-term health is shaped by a much wider set of habits. Small, realistic steps can add up to meaningful improvements in health throughout the year.

The Conversation

Rachel Woods does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Five ways to improve your health this year that don’t rely on losing weight – https://theconversation.com/five-ways-to-improve-your-health-this-year-that-dont-rely-on-losing-weight-269587

What colour should I repaint my home? Ask a psychologist

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Geoff Beattie, Professor of Psychology, Edge Hill University

I knew there would be an argument. The room had gone eerily quiet. “Isn’t it about time,” my partner began, “that we freshened this place up a little?”

There was a long pause as she glanced around the white walls of our kitchen – which, I’ll admit, do have a little bit of paint chipping off them. Then she dropped a glossy magazine on the table – World of Interiors, I think. I was trying not to look.

My partner is passionate about colours and knows the names of all the different shades. I don’t – but I am a psychologist, and that gives me some skin in this colour game too.

Let’s start with those myriad names. Clay pink, muted teal, warm taupe … psychologists have long argued that the extent of your colour vocabulary affects how good you are at colour recognition. My partner spots subtle differences that I never notice. Recently, it’s been all about katsuobushi smoke, halva sesame and black garlic amber.

Colours exert their influence through a combination of evolutionary predispositions, physiological responses, learned associations and broader cultural meanings. Because of this, I’d argue that choosing a new colour scheme is a psychological issue, not just an aesthetic one.

Indeed, a growing body of neuroscientific, behavioural and psychological research shows that colour is not merely a matter of taste. The hues that surround us influence our emotional states, cognitive performance, social interactions, sleep – and even our long-term psychological wellbeing.

In other words, the colours of our walls might be shaping our lives in ways we rarely consider.

Strong or subtle?

Let’s start with a fundamental question: what does psychology say about whether to go strong or subtle in your paint choices?

Neutral colours (whites, greys, beiges) are low in visual stimulation, which helps reduce sensory overload and stress. They enhance perceived spaciousness, and can have positive effects on cognitive performance in both children and adults. But their psychological impact hinges on shade and context. Cold greys or stark whites may evoke sterility or sadness, particularly in poorly lit spaces.

Recently, there has been a general trend away from white towards using brighter colours in our homes. The hot colours for 2026 apparently include chocolate brown and burgundy – while Ikea’s colour of the year is Rebel Pink: “A vibrant, playful shade chosen to inspire joy, energy and self-expression.”

A pink wall with white side table.
Rebel pink, anyone?
Shutterstock

However, the psychological evidence says choose low- to mid-saturation shades rather than hyper-bright colours for your long-term comfort. Blue and muted green are associated with enhanced creativity and improved problem-solving. A muted green home office or study may make you more innovative without you really noticing why.

Green, with its obvious nature connection, is also linked to restoration and reduced mental fatigue, supporting the broader findings of environmental psychology on biophilic design.

You should probably reserve warm, energising colours for social or active areas in the house. Soft yellow feels cheerful, presumably due to its association with sunlight – but high-saturation yellows may increase agitation.

And then there’s red. In evolutionary terms, bright red wavelengths tend to increase physiological arousal, raising heart rate and galvanic skin response. It can also affect desire – one study found men perceived women as “more attractive” and “more sexually desirable” when their photos were presented on a red rather than white background.

But red is also associated with danger and warning. Children did less well in problem-solving tasks when their exam number was written in red rather than green or black, or if the cover of the test booklet was red. Even just seeing the word “red” can negatively affect intellectual performance.

So think carefully before using red in your home office. A red-accented study might feel “dynamic” initially, but it could backfire when you start on tasks requiring calm focus and clear thinking. In contrast, painting an office blue seems to have a calming effect. It is associated with sky and water, and seems to be connected to improved concentration.

The 60-30-10 rule

In truth, my partner didn’t seem all that keen to take the advice of a psychologist – well, this one, anyway – about the house’s impending makeover. “Haven’t you heard of the 60-30-10 rule?” she sniffed.

The experts of interior design suggest 60% of a room should be devoted to the dominant colour (the majority of the walls plus a key piece of furniture like a sofa, say), 30% for the secondary colour to add visual interest (perhaps including curtains or carpet), and 10% to an “accent colour”. The roots of these proportions have been said to lie in visual psychology and mathematics’ “golden ratio” – although some recent studies suggest the association of this precise mathematical formula with our perceptions of beauty is something of a myth.

Nonetheless, I propose this scheme for our living room: soft sage green (dominant), warm cream (secondary), plus brushed gold as the accent colour (maybe as cushions).

My reasoning? Sage green reduces stress, improves relaxation and mimics the cognitive benefits of being in nature. Cream warms the palette, encouraging a cosy rather than “forest hermit” vibe. Finally, accent colours draw attention, and gold can have a powerful symbolic and emotional impact because of its cultural associations with wealth, success and achievement. It subconsciously signals confidence and positivity (in moderation, of course – Donald Trump famously loves excessive gold decoration).

Now I’m just waiting to see which colour paints my partner returns with.

The Conversation

Geoff Beattie does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. What colour should I repaint my home? Ask a psychologist – https://theconversation.com/what-colour-should-i-repaint-my-home-ask-a-psychologist-271787

US air strikes in northern Nigeria: possible windfalls, as well as dangers

Source: The Conversation – Africa (2) – By Olayinka Ajala, Associate professor in Politics and International Relations, Leeds Beckett University

A month before the US carried out its Christmas day attack on militants linked to the Islamic State group (IS) in north-western Nigeria, president Donald Trump had declared Nigeria a “country of particular concern”. This was due to the alleged killing of Christians by terrorist groups in the country. Trump threatened military intervention if the attacks against Christians continued.

The threat became a reality on Christmas day when the US military’s Africa Command – in coordination with the Nigerian authorities – carried out strikes on terrorist locations in Sokoto state, North-West Nigeria.

There were mixed reactions to the attacks. Some citizens hailed the attacks, saying they hoped they would send a message to the terrorists to desist from their activities. Others condemned the strikes, citing concerns about sovereignty.

I have been researching conflicts, terrorism and the formation of insurgent groups in Nigeria and the Sahel for over a decade. After the US intervention, a key question that arises is: does the attack strengthen Nigeria’s counter-terrorism mechanisms. Or will it weaken them, and threaten national security and sovereignty?

I argue that the US military intervention will indeed strengthen the hand of the Nigerian government in fighting insurgency in the short term in four ways, including enhanced intelligence gathering. Nevertheless, there’s also a risk that it will trigger unintended consequences if Nigeria doesn’t fully take charge of its counter-terrorism initiatives. These include loss of sovereignty and internal political division.

Immediate gains

First, the recent cooperation between the US and Nigerian military would help Nigeria with enhanced surveillance and intelligence gathering. Prior to the Christmas day bombing, the US has been conducting reconnaissance flights in Nigeria. The data gathered from these flights helped identify terrorist gatherings and movements.

The US and its allies have struggled to gather intelligence in the region since closing down a US drone base in Niger following a coup in the country. The loss and subsequent withdrawal from the US drone base in Agadez has significantly degraded US and Western intelligence-gathering capabilities. This is why the US flew reconnaissance flights from Ghana for this attack.




Read more:
US military is leaving Niger even less secure: why it didn’t succeed in combating terrorism


Second, the reported military collaboration will give the Nigerian government access to state of the art military hardware and resources. The US and Nigeria’s relationship has been fractured since 2015 following the release of an Amnesty International report in which the Nigerian military was accused of gross human rights abuses.

The US government immediately suspended sales of key military hardware to Abuja. It also banned Nigeria from using some US equipment already purchased.

Six years later Nigeria signed a military agreement with Russia.

The Christmas Day strike ordered by Trump suggests that the US might once again be willing to help Nigeria in its counter-terrorism initiatives.

Third, the intervention could help Nigeria fight terrorism along its borders. The Christmas day attack is based on intelligence that terrorist cells from Niger and Burkina Faso had entered Nigeria to carry out coordinated attacks. I have previously written about how terrorism is spreading in West Africa and how international cooperation is needed to fight the surge. Such coordinated attacks could help Nigeria’s cross-border counter-terrorism initiatives.

Finally, the coordinated attacks send a message to terrorist groups that there is a renewed effort to turn the heat on them.

Unintended consequences

There is nevertheless a risk of the US action having unintended consequences if Nigeria does not fully take charge of its counter-terrorism initiatives.

Since 2009 when Boko Haram surfaced in Nigeria, the country has been battling terrorism within and around its borders. Despite counter-terrorism initiatives such as military response, intelligence coordination, community resilience, international partnerships, and rehabilitation efforts to dismantle extremist networks and address root causes, Nigeria has not been able to stop terrorism in the country.

While renewed collaborations with the US is a step in the right direction, the possible dangers for Nigeria include:

  • A loss of access and control of intelligence data. Nigeria needs to take charge of its surveillance architecture and intelligence gathering or risk a weakening of its sovereignty. Large quantities of data is collected during reconnaissance flights. But the country running the flights owns the data. It has the prerogative of what it wants to share, and when.

Nigeria has been here before: when the US drone base in Agadez was operational, all the data gathered across the Sahel was analysed by the Pentagon which decided what information to relay to its partners.

Nigeria should guard against this by taking charge of the reconnaissance and surveillance activities relevant to protect its national interest.

  • Swift follow-up action. The Nigerian military needs to take advantage of the impact of the strikes. It needs to capitalise on the disarray in terrorist camps. By acting in a coordinated way after 2015, the Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF) was very successful in dismantling Boko Haram as an organisation and weakening its bases.

But the Nigerian military needs to keep a close eye on the terror group splintering as a result of success against its military bases. The Multinational Joint Task Force’s successes was partly responsible for Boko Haram breaking into three factions in 2016.

The initial strikes conducted by the US military will only be significant if the Nigerian army prevents smaller terror groups from being formed.

  • Nigerians need to be assured the government will act in their interests. The US attack risks worsening political divisions in Nigeria if not properly managed. While Trump framed the attack as an action against the murder of Christians in the country, the Nigerian government has insisted it was part of a renewed campaign against terrorists destabilising the country.

Trump’s explanation of the attack has angered some political groups in Nigeria. For instance, Islamic cleric Sheikh Ahmed Gumi vehemently condemned the US airstrikes calling Nigerians who supported the strikes ‘stupid’ and ‘misguided’.

The Nigerian government must control the narrative and clearly explain how the renewed military collaboration with the US is in Nigeria’s national interest, and not targeted at particular ethnic or religious groups.

The Conversation

Olayinka Ajala does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. US air strikes in northern Nigeria: possible windfalls, as well as dangers – https://theconversation.com/us-air-strikes-in-northern-nigeria-possible-windfalls-as-well-as-dangers-272630