As long as the cybercriminals’ business model works, companies are vulnerable to attack

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Ayman El Hajjar, Senior Lecturer & Head of the Cyber Security Research Group, University of Westminster

Tero Vesalainen/Shutterstock

When cybercriminals targeted the UK nursery chain Kido, it represented a disturbing new low for the hackers. They threatened to expose personal data about young children and their families, shocking parents and cybersecurity experts alike.

The Kido hack is far from an isolated incident. Cyberattacks have struck organisations across many sectors in the last year, disrupting businesses from retail to manufacturing.

These recurring attacks highlight an important reality – cybercrime has become a very profitable activity. While the official advice is not to pay hackers, the frequency of these attacks suggests that many companies do. They will want to avoid losing their data or having their business and reputation damaged. But most will never admit to paying up.

Whenever there is money involved, more criminals want to participate – which has led to cybercrime becoming an organised industry. Cybercrime has shifted from individual and uncoordinated group attacks to an established business model that generates revenue and mirrors genuine companies.

This model has its own supply chains, affiliates (for example, criminals who use the malware rather than developing it) and even customer support.

The cybercrime ecosystem has evolved to run using the “as-a-service” model. For legitimate businesses, this is an efficiency model that lets them pay to use something “as a service”, rather than purchasing it. Just as businesses use software or security as a service, criminals have mirrored this model into an similar underground economy of cybercrime.

In this underground market, hackers sell ready-made malware, rent out botnets (networks of infected devices), and run payment platforms. They even go as far as providing customer support and help pages for the criminals they serve.

Their customers may shop for ransomware as a service when looking to extort ransoms from victims. Others, looking to cause disruption rather than financial gain, rent botnets to conduct “denial of service” attacks that flood the victim’s systems with traffic and disables them.

In the cybercrime economy, criminals known as “initial access brokers” act as middlemen. These are skilled cybercriminals who break into systems, providing the initial access and selling it as a package for others to use.

The packages often include stolen data, usernames and passwords, or even direct access to compromised networks. This essentially opens the door for cybercriminals with fewer skills to compromise businesses.

Business is booming

This business model is not only thriving right now – it will also persist. That’s just simple economics – everyone involved in the “business” benefits. This includes the experienced hackers and malware developers who take their cut, the brokers selling bundled services and the service-hosting and payment-platform providers taking their share. It also includes the affiliate criminals carrying out attacks and collecting their profits.

This makes it low-risk and profitable, effectively the definition of a successful business. Societal attitudes towards hackers often glamorise them as genius outsiders, while hacking itself – particularly when large corporations are the target – can mistakenly be seen as a lesser crime.

But the truth is that when the cybercrime business model succeeds, it has a lasting impact on the wider economy. Trust in businesses in the UK and beyond is damaged.

The attacks on UK retailers such as M&S and Co-op were carried out using a cybercrime service called DragonForce. This is available for a fee, reportedly set at 20% of the ransom payment. In the case of M&S and Co-op, it caused major disruption to their operations, and millions of pounds in losses.

Meanwhile, the attack on the Jaguar Land Rover (JLR) caused production at the carmaker to be halted for weeks, resulting in a huge loss.




Read more:
Cyber-attackers slammed the brakes on Jaguar Land Rover’s manufacturing – here’s why the UK government should step in


The JLR attack caused a ripple effect on sales, deliveries, the workforce and smaller businesses in the supply chain. These companies may face bankruptcy if proceeds from the loan underwritten by the government do not reach them all.

To interrupt this recurrence of attacks, it’s vital to break the cybercriminals’ model by addressing the two fundamentals that make it successful.

First, businesses should stop paying the criminals. As long as they pay, criminals will try their luck. But it is reported that nearly 50% of companies do pay up. This is money that will fuel this crime and encourage the hackers.

Second, companies must build better resilience into their infrastructure and operations. While companies’ security has improved greatly, they are still not investing enough in things such as AI to improve their resilience to attack and their ability to keep operating (or at least to minimise disruption).

This was evident in the attacks on UK businesses. It took M&S four months to restore all of its services, while JLR’s production will not be at full capacity for several weeks.

Both Harrods and Co-op maintained operations during their incidents. This minimised interruptions, prevented large data losses and reduced the financial hit to the businesses.

Empty shelves in a co-op store behind a sign explaining that the chain is working through some technical challenges.
Co-op kept things running after its cyber attack, but the challenges were there for all to see.
Brian Minkoff/Shutterstock

There are no quick fixes, but there are steps businesses can take to make cybercrime less profitable for criminals and less disruptive for victims. The UK government is heading in the right direction with the Cyber Security and Resilience Bill and its consultations on ransomware payments.

But the real change must come from companies themselves. Without commitment, the strongest policy and legislation will remain words on paper. While prevention remains critical for a company, resilience if the worst happens is what really decides how much damage an attack can cause.

If companies can maintain operations and refuse to pay ransoms, cybercriminals lose their extortion power. And without that power there will be less profit and so less interest. But maybe most importantly, fewer families like those affected by the Kido attack will worry about their children’s data being held hostage.

The Conversation

Ayman El Hajjar does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. As long as the cybercriminals’ business model works, companies are vulnerable to attack – https://theconversation.com/as-long-as-the-cybercriminals-business-model-works-companies-are-vulnerable-to-attack-266521

Caught in Nepal’s protests, I witnessed how sport can bring people hope during times of crisis

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Ross Walker, Lecturer in Sports Management, University of Stirling

On September 8, the day before my holiday in Nepal was scheduled to end, police in the capital, Kathmandu, and other cities opened fire on young members of the public who were protesting against government corruption. At least 19 people were killed across Nepal that day, and over 300 more injured. Images of police brutality quickly spread throughout the country and internationally.

More people took to the streets the following morning to show their dissatisfaction with the government. My walk from the tourist area of Thamel in Kathmandu to Tribhuvan International Airport put me in the front lines of these protests.

The country descended into anarchy. Nepal’s parliament and the homes of several politicians were set alight, and 13,500 inmates escaped from prisons. For the best part of a day, the sky was filled with smoke and all I could hear was constant gunfire.

Protesters gathered at the airport to try to stop government officials fleeing the country. Alongside the smoke from burning buildings, this forced flights to be suspended indefinitely. With nowhere to go, I befriended some local people who helped me find somewhere to stay.

A plume of smoke rising from a street in Kathmandu.
For the best part of a day, the sky above Kathmandu was filled with smoke.
Ross Walker, CC BY-NC-ND

Next morning, heading back to my hotel in Thamel, we travelled through a local housing area. Between the buildings was a large, muddied patch of land with people of all ages playing football.

Throughout my time in Nepal, which also saw me travel to the Everest region in the country’s north-east, this was the most I had seen anyone playing sport in public. In general, public spaces seemed to be used for anything but sport, often becoming car parks during the day.

However, as the tensions escalated, I saw more people playing sport across the Kathmandu valley. Almost all of the Nepalis I spoke to suggested they were out enjoying sport because, after the protests and police crackdowns, people needed a purpose – something to fill them with joy, because the past 48 hours had been an expression of sadness.

For those who indulged, sport had become a beacon of hope during a time of uncertainty. Two of my most compelling memories were seeing people out on their morning run, and a local football team practising on a rural, mountainous pitch.

A grassroots football team practising on a rural pitch in Nepal.
A grassroots football team practising on a rural pitch in the Kathmandu valley.
Ross Walker, CC BY-NC-ND

The power of sport

Research, including my own, suggests that sport can play a role in improving the quality of life for people and communities – and even build the capabilities of entire nations. The power of sport as a tool for development and peace – especially during times of civil unrest, conflict and tension – has been evident for decades.

One famous example occurred during the first world war. Soldiers along the western front arranged unofficial ceasefires around Christmas 1914, five months after the hostilities had begun, before meeting in no man’s land to play football.

A more recent example can been found in war-torn South Sudan. The success of the men’s national basketball side, which qualified for the 2023 Basketball World Cup and 2024 Paris Olympics, has seen the country forge a new identity. South Sudan remains unstable, but basketball is now one of the country’s most celebrated exports.

The impact was highlighted by Luol Deng, a South Sudanese former professional basketball player, who told BBC Sport Africa ahead of the Olympics: “Since I was born, I have known nothing but conversations about war.” Yet now, he said, people in South Sudan can’t wait to tell you about basketball, even if they don’t play the game. “It’s a relief. Finally, we have something positive to say.”

During my extended stay in Kathmandu, I got to know a local gym owner and competitive bodybuilder, members of a Kathmandu boxing club, and several trekking guides. People also approached me in the street.

These conversations taught me about the passion and pride Nepalese people are starting to take in sport. At the Paris Paralympics, Palesha Goverdhan won a bronze medal in para-taekwondo – Nepal’s first ever Paralympic or Olympic medal.

Cricket is one of the fastest-emerging sports in Nepal. In 2024, its men’s team qualified for the T20 World Cup for only the second time, and they are currently playing the West Indies in a T20 series. In the new year, Kathmandu will host a 21-day qualifying tournament for the 2026 women’s T20 World Cup.

A group of Nepalese people clearing debris from a street in Kathmandu.
Nepalese people clearing a street in Kathmandu damaged during the demonstrations.
Ross Walker, CC BY-NC-ND

Some of the Nepalese people I spoke to fear that images of the protests will discourage people from visiting their country, which is heavily dependent on tourism. At a time when the Nepal’s future remains unclear, sport can unite the country and make a statement for its people on the world stage.

Not long ago, Nelson Mandela used the 1995 Rugby World Cup to help unite a divided post-apartheid South African nation. As the first president of South Africa, he famously wore the country’s green rugby jersey during the tournament. Mandela also delivered the trophy to the team’s captain, Francois Pienaar, after South Africa won the final.

These powerful symbols laid the foundation for the Rainbow Nation, the term now used to reflect South Africa’s diverse and multicultural society. The legacy of Mandela’s efforts remain evident, despite the various societal challenges South Africa continues to face.

Siya Kolisi became the first black captain of the South African rugby team in 2018, leading his nation to World Cup victory the following year. I hope that sport can, in a similar a way, help build a more united Nepal in the future.

The Conversation

Ross Walker does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Caught in Nepal’s protests, I witnessed how sport can bring people hope during times of crisis – https://theconversation.com/caught-in-nepals-protests-i-witnessed-how-sport-can-bring-people-hope-during-times-of-crisis-263295

October 7 two years on: Israelis and Palestinians caught between two conflicting ideas of peace

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Yuval Katz, Lecturer in Communication and Media, Loughborough University

Bartolomiej Pietrzyk/Shutterstock

When US president Donald Trump recently announced his 20-point peace plan for Israel and Hamas, he claimed the moment was: “Potentially, one of the great days ever in civilisation … and I’m not just talking about Gaza … the whole deal, everything getting solved. It’s called peace in the Middle East.” But there’s a massive gap between the diplomatic stage and the harsh reality faced by ordinary people in both Israel and Gaza.

Two years after October 7, one Israeli wrote on X about the shock he experienced when the war began: “When the first reports started rolling in that the [IDF] outposts had been captured … I, a former observation platoon commander, knew that in those outposts there were also young female observers, without weapons, without real protection.

“A few months earlier, I managed to quit using [anxiety drug] Clonazepam. When I read the messages, heard the voices, I felt I was going to pass out. I took two tablets. On the same day, in the afternoon, I found myself checking the door to my flat multiple times. Not to lock it, just to make sure, as if checking would protect me.”

This personal story, from a person in Tel Aviv, who was geographically far away from where the Hamas attack was taking place, is common among Israelis. To a people raised on stories of countless pogroms and the horror of the Holocaust, October 7 brought echoes of Israel’s collective memories of innocents being yanked out of their homes by brutal killers.

The atrocities of October 7 and their horrific and detailed documentation, ubiquitously disseminated on traditional and social media have created a nation stuck in a loop, unable to move on and largely unable to acknowledge all the horrific things it has done since. The reason for this inability to move forward and reflect backwards is the endlessness of the war.

Another Israeli wrote the following on X: “The 7th of October will never end (at least not in our lifetime); it is a wound that will remain … Even in 15 or 50 years, we will feel those itches in our bodies as the date approaches … But amidst all this, our most basic desire is to try and heal, because that’s what humans do – things get destroyed and ruined, and people try to rebuild. As long as the war continues and the hostages are still in Gaza, even that attempt cannot happen.”

In the meantime, the destruction and death in Gaza Israeli soldiers have witnessed or taken part in haunts them when they return home after their tours of duty. PTSD and suicide cases have spiked. Thousands are in treatment in military hospitals, while many thousands more are thought to be suffering untreated.

Palestinians struggle to survive

But for the people of Gaza, returning home is currently an impossibility. Hungry, exhausted and repeatedly displaced, ordinary people are fighting a daily struggle to survive. A video posted on X by Arab 48 (a Palestinian news website based in Haifa) provides powerful testimonials collected during the war.

One person from Rafah, sitting outdoors with his family to cook food, explains (in Arabic – my translation): “If the occupation ends, there will be no wars or struggles … we can live in peace, we [the Palestinians] will have a state, they [the Israelis] have a state, there will be no problem, the suffocating [situation] will end, our lives will stabilise.”

In one particularly heartbreaking scene in this report, one Palestinian family roaming Gaza with the few belongings they have left stops next to a pile of rubble which was once their home. The father reflects on: “A year of war, a year of anxiety, a year of sorrow, of fear, of homelessness. We left our beautiful, calm, safe, stable home, for a life of homelessness, suffering and anxiety, carrying all that we have with us. [We suffer from] a lack of food, poor health, and have no security.”

Another video within this report shows a man returning with a backpack to a big tent where his wife is waiting for him. He immediately collapses on a chair, dehydrated, as she splashes water on his face to help him regain strength. The caption to this segment reads: “His ‘peaceful’ return to his tent after trying to secure food for his family from the relief trucks.”

A Palestinian man carries a rucksack as he walks into a tent.
One man’s daily mission: find food and stay alive.
X

Peace for this man has been reduced to coming home alive from a trip to the food distribution centres, now dangerous places where many Palestinians have been shot by IDF soldiers.

After two years of conflict, there must be a way to bridge the unfathomable distance between these two visions of peace. Trump’s grandiose vision of peace as the “greatest day in civilisation” for which he is congratulating himself in advance. And the reality for two million people in Gaza, for whom peace is merely living to see another day without starvation.

The Conversation

Yuval Katz does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. October 7 two years on: Israelis and Palestinians caught between two conflicting ideas of peace – https://theconversation.com/october-7-two-years-on-israelis-and-palestinians-caught-between-two-conflicting-ideas-of-peace-266922

Bob Vylan Glastonbury complaints upheld: here’s what viewers complain to Ofcom and the BBC about most

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Matt Walsh, Head of the School of Journalism, Media and Culture, Cardiff University

The BBC’s livestreaming of the Glastonbury performance by punk-rap duo Bob Vylan broke editorial guidelines on preventing harm and offence to viewers, according to the corporation’s complaints unit. More than 5,000 people complained about the broadcast after the duo chanted “death, death to the IDF” and made other derogatory comments.

However, the BBC’s Executive Complaints Unit cleared the BBC of breaching rules on impartiality, saying: “Coverage of a music festival is clearly not on the same footing as coverage of news and current affairs; […] a wide tolerance for expressions of opinion by performers or audiences would be in keeping with audience expectations for events it does cover.”

This aligns with a pattern revealed by our ongoing research into impartiality at Cardiff University – viewers have significant concerns about BBC impartiality and frequently lodge complaints about it. But those complaints are rarely upheld.

We tracked all the complaints to Ofcom and the BBC between January and August 2025.

Ofcom received 33,108 complaints about all UK broadcasters. Of those, 71.7% were about ITV programming, with over 50% related to Love Island. In the latest series, audiences made thousands of complaints alleging gaslighting and bullying on screen. The regulator rejected all of the complaints.

By comparison, news programming such as GB News – which often attracts headlines for allegedly breaching rules on impartiality – and Sky News received far fewer complaints (making up 5.1% and 4.7%, respectively).

Ten most complained about broadcasters (Ofcom)

The most common complaint category was “generally accepted standards”. This is an Ofcom complaint category designed to protect the public from harmful or offensive material, including offensive language, discrimination, and sexual or violent content. More than half of all complaints fell into this category.

By contrast, there were far fewer complaints related to the impartiality of broadcasters: due accuracy (4.5%), due impartiality/bias (3.3%), and due impartiality (just four cases).

BBC complaints

Unlike other UK broadcasters, the BBC operates its own complaints process, BBC First. Under this system, concerns must be raised with the BBC directly before they can be escalated to Ofcom.

If broadcasters are found in breach of the rules, Ofcom can impose a range of penalties including fines and even revoking a broadcaster’s licence.

Between January and August 2025, the BBC received 9,602 complaints. More than half (52.5%) concerned BBC iPlayer, followed by BBC One (19.6%), BBC Radio 4 (12.6%) and BBC News (8.7%).

Ten most complained about services (BBC)

As with Ofcom, entertainment and music were the biggest drivers of complaints for the BBC. These were dominated by Glastonbury and Bob Vylan’s performance, which made up 52% of complaints. News and current affairs followed (32.5%), with BBC News and Today among the frequently complained about.

Ten most complained about series (BBC)

Our analysis reveals a major difference in the types of complaints the BBC receives about its output compared to those made to Ofcom about other broadcasters.

For the BBC, impartiality overwhelmingly dominated, accounting for 72.9% of all complaints. By comparison, fairness (4.6%), gender discrimination/offence (4.4%) and accuracy (4.4%) were far less prominent.

This suggests audiences strongly associate the BBC with impartiality, and complaints are more likely where it is believed one party or political issue was favoured over another.

Complaints rarely upheld

Despite differences in what audiences complain about to the BBC and Ofcom, the outcome of complaints was broadly similar across both organisations. In both cases, it was extremely rare for the regulator or broadcaster to uphold the complaints (find the content to have breached standards).

At Ofcom, only eleven complaints were upheld (0.03%). At the BBC, 4.6% were upheld and 0.2% upheld in part. However, outcomes for 21.9% of BBC complaints remain unknown, as the organisation does not always publish full details online.

Our review of the specifics finds that complaints which are upheld are often concerning concrete, provable breaches. For Ofcom, this included offensive language likely to be heard by children, and programming giving undue prominence to a product. At the BBC, upheld complaints were most often about accuracy, such as the misrepresentation of political figures.

When it comes to impartiality specifically, the majority of complaints were halted early.

Complaints dealt with by Ofcom, show 97.9% related to due accuracy, 100% related to due impartiality, and 77.4% related to due impartiality/bias were not pursued. At the BBC, 98.8% of impartiality complaints, 99.5% of bias complaints, and 83.4% of accuracy complaints were resolved at the initial stage.

A small number of cases did progress. Between 2021 and 2025, Ofcom recorded just ten confirmed breaches of impartiality. GB News accounted for five of these cases, followed by the BBC with three, and then isolated incidents involving other broadcasters such as Times Radio and ITV.

Our systematic examination of complaints and whether they were upheld reveals a clear distinction between the importance of impartiality in the public’s perception of broadcasters and actual regulatory outcomes. Despite thousands of complaints, audience concerns are rarely deemed to officially be breaches of broadcasting standards.

The Conversation

Matt Walsh receives funding from the AHRC for research into broadcasters’ impartiality.

Keighley Perkins receives funding from the AHRC for research into broadcasters’ impartiality.

Maxwell Modell receives funding from the AHRC for research into broadcasters’ impartiality.

ref. Bob Vylan Glastonbury complaints upheld: here’s what viewers complain to Ofcom and the BBC about most – https://theconversation.com/bob-vylan-glastonbury-complaints-upheld-heres-what-viewers-complain-to-ofcom-and-the-bbc-about-most-266726

Labour wants to restrict repeat protests – but that’s what makes campaigns successful

Source: The Conversation – UK – By David J. Bailey, Associate Professor in Politics, University of Birmingham

The UK government has announced plans for police to get new powers to restrict “repeat protests”, including banning such protests outright. The home secretary, Shabana Mahmood, said that police should be able to consider the “cumulative impact” of protest activity when placing conditions on where and when protests can take place.

The move comes after two people were killed at a Manchester synagogue on October 2. Following the attack, pro-Palestine groups were asked to reconsider planned marches and “respect the grief of British Jews”. The demonstrations nevertheless went ahead. The organisers said that cancelling a peaceful protest would be to “let terror win”.

The home secretary then announced the plans for new powers over the weekend, saying that large and repeated protests left communities “feeling unsafe and intimidated”.

Having researched protest and dissent over many years, I find the the position the government is taking on repeat protests, and the threat it poses to democratic rights, highly concerning.

Sustained campaigns are widely considered necessary for democracies to function. Successful attempts by the public to influence politicians are often the direct result of repeated actions seeking to hold the powerful to account through protest.

In recent research I conducted into environmentalist protest campaigns, “perseverance” was one of the most important factors determining whether a campaign would be successful. Those campaigns that lasted for at least one year, and staged repeated protests throughout their campaign, were highly likely to be successful.

The decision to halt fracking in the UK in 2019 came at the end of an anti-fracking campaign that involved repeated protests over the course of a decade. The controversial drilling method was ended once it became clear that it risked causing earthquakes for nearby residents.

The Reclaim the Power campaign against the UK’s largest opencast coal mine in Ffos-y-fran, south Wales, involved multiple protests over several years. Eventually the Merthyr Tydfil council refused the mine operator’s licence extension. Now that the mine has been closed, its full impact – on local residents’ wellbeing and on the environment – is finally being acknowledged.

A group of protesters with signs reading 'we are earth'
Regular anti-fracking protests took place over the course of a decade before fracking was banned in 2019.
Marcella2024/Shutterstock

There are plenty of similar examples both in the UK and elsewhere. Earlier this year, the government announced it would hold the Battle of Orgreave national inquiry. This followed sustained pressure by the Orgreave Truth and Justice Campaign that lasted 13 years and involved multiple repeat protests and demonstrations.

In Israel, massive national protests took place from January to October 2023, in opposition to judicial reforms that threatened to weaken the power of the country’s supreme court. While the reforms went ahead, they remained contested, and were subsequently reversed.

History is full of prolonged protest campaigns producing significant democratic outcomes. The national independence movement in India lasted for three decades. The fall of the Berlin Wall was partly due to an ongoing campaign of weekly Monday demonstrations.

The suffragette protest campaign calling for the vote for women in Britain lasted for nearly ten years. The British state repeatedly imprisoned and force fed protesting women before eventually granting them the vote.

The important contribution to democratic life that sustained and repeated protests can have – typically as a direct result of their “cumulative impact” – is not only recognised by academics and civil liberty campaigners.

The current deputy prime minister, David Lammy, made exactly the same point in 2021 when Labour opposed the first attempt to curtail protest by the previous Conservative government. At that time he remembered how the “anti-apartheid movement, of which I was part, marched continuously on Trafalgar Square for black and white people to be treated as equal”.

The (restricted) right to protest

The home secretary has argued that the latest proposals are not a ban on protest, but “about restrictions and conditions”.

Similar language was also used by the previous Conservative government when it introduced a first round of anti-protest legislation in 2022. In defending that legislation, the Conservative government repeatedly promised that it was not banning peaceful protest.

Conservative home office minister Victoria Atkins claimed at the time: “Peaceful protest is absolutely fundamental to a free society. The right to peaceful protest will not be, and will never be, in question by this Government.”

Yet, the Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts Act 2022 introduced a range of restrictions to prevent noisy or disruptive protests. This has had a concerning impact on the right to protest, and led to some of the most draconian sentences for environmental protest that the UK has ever seen.

The Labour party opposed that earlier anti-protest law. David Lammy (then shadow justice secretary) described how the legislation was “giving the police the power to prohibit the fundamental freedoms of protest that the British public hold dear”.

Since entering office, however, the Labour government has further tightened restrictions on the right to protest. The crime and policing bill currently going through parliament will ban the wearing of face masks during certain protests.




Read more:
Banning face coverings, expanding facial recognition – how the UK government and police are eroding protest rights


The recent proscription of Palestine Action as a terrorist organisation has led to hundreds of arrests of peaceful protesters, and been widely criticised by civil liberties groups. The UN’s high commissioner for human rights described the banning of the organisation as “at odds with the UK’s obligations under international human rights law”.

If “cumulative impact” is now to be grounds for limiting or prohibiting protest, it could mean certain protests are only allowed on a restricted number of occasions. As the evidence suggests, this risks permitting only those protests that have no chance of success. In curtailing or removing the potential for those in power to be held to account through public demonstration, the UK would lose a crucial democratic and human right.


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The Conversation

David J. Bailey does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Labour wants to restrict repeat protests – but that’s what makes campaigns successful – https://theconversation.com/labour-wants-to-restrict-repeat-protests-but-thats-what-makes-campaigns-successful-266825

Lecornu, Bayrou, Barnier: how the resignation of three French prime ministers signals a profound crisis in democracy

Source: The Conversation – France – By Rémi Lefebvre, Professeur de science politique université Lille 2, Université de Lille

France has been experiencing an unprecedented political crisis since President Emmanuel Macron dissolved parliament in June 2024. For political scientist Rémi Lefebvre, this deadlock is not only institutional: it reveals a crisis of representative governance fuelled by mistrust, social fragmentation and the erosion of majority rule.

Following the dissolution and the legislative elections that followed it, the governments of prime ministers Michel Barnier, François Bayrou and Sébastien Lecornu have all been unable to govern. Many commentators have suggested that this deadlock could be linked to a lack of compromise among political parties, or to unhelpful institutional rules. On the contrary, it seems that the disruption runs much deeper. The relationship with politics in France has changed in recent decades, and the current crisis is merely a symptom of the erosion and breakdown of the link between voter and representative itself.

A disrupted political routine

In France, particularly since the 1970s, we have become accustomed to the “majority system”: the president was elected by direct universal suffrage and needed a majority in parliament, which he generally obtained. Political life had a routine rhythm of alternating majorities. Then this system gradually broke down.

The lack of alternatives to this rhythm has led to a proliferation of political parties, creating chronic disillusionment in each political camp. The rise of the far right, which claims to embody a new path, is associated with the blurring of the left-right divide. In 2017, the arrival of Macron was seen as the result of the exhaustion of this divide and a response to the democratic crisis, driven by a rhetoric of “transcendence”.

But the president has exacerbated the crisis by pushing the margins to extremes and, ultimately, polarising political life while shifting his own position to the right. Macron has fuelled the far right, and he has weakened the left. While there are strong calls for compromise, on the left, the Socialist Party (PS) is under the thumb of La France Insoumise (France Unbowed or LFI) and constantly exposed to accusations of “treason”. The difficulty in building majorities, linked to the tripartite nature of political life, is exacerbated by internal fragmentation within each bloc.

However, this crisis cannot be understood solely in terms of political manoeuvring. We must also take into account changes in the relationship between voters and politics. Since the early 2000s, the very mechanism of elections has been called into question. The legitimacy given to those in power by elections is increasingly weak, as explained by historian Pierre Rosanvallon. This is reinforced by the widespread development of strategic voting: people are increasingly voting “usefully” in order to eliminate candidates, but voters are no longer really expressing their preferences, which weakens their commitment to the appointment of a representative and the legitimacy of that representative. Thus, the electoral process is fundamentally flawed: this is referred to as “negative” democracy. We eliminate more than we choose.

Fragmentation of society

Furthermore, the fragmentation of political identities partly reflects the fragmentation of society itself. The crisis of governance or governability is linked to a more individualised and fragmented society, exacerbated by inequalities and a form of separatism. Identities and divisions are more complex and less structured by homogeneous class identities, as explained by sociologist Gérard Mauger.

If political parties are unwilling to compromise, it is also because they do not want to disappoint the divided social groups that still support them and because they fear “betraying” distrustful voters and increasingly volatile and narrow electoral constituencies. Society is more polarised (the emotional polarisation caused by social media is undeniable), which also makes political compromises more difficult. We could add that the fragmentation and splintering of voters’ political identities is exacerbated by the weakness of the parties and their large number – there are now 11 parliamentary groups in the National Assembly, which is a record. One of the major consequences is that political parties are no longer able to organise public debate around a few coherent and simple visions.

Could the current political impasse be resolved by dissolution, negotiations, new parliamentary elections or even a presidential election? It is doubtful. Ultimately, it is possible that the carte blanche given to a French president, which comes via legislative elections that follow presidential polls, will no longer exist in the future. Political majorities are nowhere to be found, but perhaps neither are social and electoral majorities (ie alliances of social groups large enough to support political majorities).

Mistrust and disillusionment

The economic crisis we have been experiencing for the past year is part of an even broader trend, namely a considerable increase in mistrust of politics.

According to the 2025 barometer of political trust published by the Centre of Political Research at Sciences Po (CEVIPOF), around 20% of French people trust politicians. The French therefore consider the political class incapable of solving problems. They even consider it unworthy. It must be said that the spectacle on offer is rather unattractive, and it can be argued that the calibre of politicians is declining. Political scientist Luc Rouban has shown that this phenomenon fuels a desire to retreat into the private sphere along the lines of “leave us alone, we don’t care about politics”. The current crisis is therefore the product of this mistrust, and the political class’s inability to resolve it reinforces the phenomenon.

Disappointment and disillusionment have been building up for decades. The weakening of the left-right alternation that used to punctuate political life runs deep. Former president Nicolas Sarkozy served only one term, as did his successor François Hollande: both campaigned on volontarisme (the idea that the human will is capable of imposing change), but quickly disappointed. They pursued liberal economic policies that undermined the idea that politics could change things. Macron, who was re-elected, also disappointed. He fuelled the anti-elite sentiment that manifested itself powerfully during the “yellow vest” protests.

Ultimately, each camp is marked by disenchantment and produces mechanisms of polarisation. Thus, the Socialists produced LFI, which was the result of disappointment with the left in power. The far right is also, to a large extent, the result of political disillusionment. These two forces, LFI and Rassemblement National (the far-right National Rally), are hostile to any compromise.

Unavoidable challenges

This mistrust of politics is not specific to France, as political scientist Pierre Martin has shown in his analysis of the crisis facing governing parties. These mechanisms are present everywhere, in Europe and the US. Since the work of Colin Crouch, political scientists have even begun to talk about “post-democratic” regimes, where decisions are increasingly beyond the control of political power.

Globalisation, Europeanisation, and the power of large financial groups and lobbies have devalued political power and reduced its room for manoeuvre. However, politics raises expectations, and politicians attempt to re-enchant the electoral process by making promises at every election.

This situation is particularly difficult to accept in France, where there is a culture of very high expectations of the state. This crisis of volontarisme politique (which sees political leaders saying they will be capable of imposing change, but then failing to do so) is causing repeated disappointment. The latest CEVIPOF survey shows that mistrust is growing and is associated with a feeling of governmental and electoral impotence. The French believe that politics no longer serves any purpose: the sterile game of politics is spinning its wheels, with no impact on reality.

The current situation plays into the hands of the far right, as mistrust of politics fuels anti-parliamentarianism and also reinforces the idea that a political force that has not held office can be a solution.

In addition, a part of society finds itself aligned with right-wing issues: immigration, security, rejection of environmentalism, etc. In this context, the victory of the far right may seem inevitable. It has happened in the US, and it is difficult to imagine France escaping it, given the great fragmentation of the left, its pitfalls and its dead ends. However, if the far right comes to power – which would be a dramatic turn of events – it will also face the test of power and will certainly disappoint, without resolving the political crisis we are currently experiencing. Its electorate, which is very interclass (working class in the north, more middle class in the southeast), has contradictory expectations and it will be difficult to satisfy them.

Rebalancing democracy?

It would be naïve to believe in an “institutional solutionism” that would resolve this political crisis. Democracy cannot be reduced to electoral rules and institutional mechanisms. It is underpinned by values, culture, practices and behaviours.

Given this, a change to proportional representation would encourage voters to vote according to their convictions and marginalise “tactical voting”. The aim would be to better reflect voters’ political preferences through the voting system and to re-legitimise the electoral process.

A Sixth Republic would certainly help to regenerate institutions linked to an exhausted presidential system, as demonstrated by political scientist Bastien François. Nowadays, the verticality of power no longer works in a society shaped by horizontal dynamics. The image associated with the French president accentuates disappointment by creating a providential figure who cannot keep his promises. While the French are not in favour of abolishing direct universal suffrage for presidential elections, it is possible to limit the powers of the president – just as it is possible to reverse the calendar with legislative elections preceding presidential ones.

Many works, such as those by political scientist Loïc Blondiaux, also propose ways of thinking about a new balance between representative democracy and participatory democracy, a more continuous democracy that is less focused on elections. For a long time, elections were sufficient to ensure democracy, but that cycle is now over. This means tinkering and experimenting – with referendums, citizens’ conventions, etc. – in order to find a new balance between participation and representation. However, these solutions are complex to implement, whereas democracy through voting alone was very simple. Finally, democracy is a culture, and it is necessary to encourage participation at all levels by promoting a more inclusive, less competitive society, particularly in schools and businesses.

Another issue is that of political parties: citizens no longer join them because they are perceived as unattractive. Some studies suggest that they should be reformed and that their public funding, for example, should be rethought, with funding being made conditional on the diversity of elected representatives.

Democracy and the economy

Finally, a major democratic challenge is to regain control over the economic sphere. The debate on the Zucman tax highlights the political barrier that needs to be broken down: the power of the financial oligarchy. As long as political power has to bow down to finance, the deceptive logic of post-democracy will continue. However, inequalities have increased to such an extent that societies could demand a rebalancing. In this sense, post-democracy is not inevitable.

Economic forces will attempt to protect their positions and power, but, as political sociologist Vincent Tibérj shows, there is a very strong commitment to social justice and redistribution in France, even among the far right. Under pressure, the elites could therefore be forced to give in.


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The Conversation

Rémi Lefebvre ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. Lecornu, Bayrou, Barnier: how the resignation of three French prime ministers signals a profound crisis in democracy – https://theconversation.com/lecornu-bayrou-barnier-how-the-resignation-of-three-french-prime-ministers-signals-a-profound-crisis-in-democracy-266955

1 gene, 1 disease no more – acknowledging the full complexity of genetics could improve and personalize medicine

Source: The Conversation – USA (3) – By Santhosh Girirajan, Professor of Biochemistry, Molecular Biology and Genomics, Penn State

A whole lot more than just one genetic mutation determines whether and how disease develops. lvcandy/DigitalVision Vectors via Getty Images

Genetic inheritance may sound straightforward: One gene causes one trait or a specific illness. When doctors use genetics, it’s usually to try to identify a disease-causing gene to help guide diagnosis and treatment. But for most health conditions, the genetics is far more complicated than how clinicians are currently looking at it in diagnosis, counseling and treatment.

Your DNA carries millions of genetic variants you inherit from your parents or develop by chance. Some are common variants, shared by many people. Others are rare variants, found in very few people or even unique to a family. Together, these variants shape who you are – from visible traits such as height or eye color to health conditions such as diabetes or heart disease.

In our newly published research in the journal Cell, my team and I found that a genetic mutation involved in neurodevelopmental and psychiatric conditions such as autism and schizophrenia is affected by multiple other genetic variants, changing how these conditions develop. Our findings support the idea that, rather than focusing on single genes, taking the whole genome into account would provide insight into how researchers understand what makes someone genetically predisposed to certain diseases and how those diseases develop.

Primary and secondary variants

Certain rare variants can cause problems on their own, such as the genetic mutations that cause sickle cell anemia and cystic fibrosis. But in many cases, whether someone actually develops symptoms of disease depends on what else is happening across the genome.

While a primary variant might trigger a disease, secondary variants can alter how that disease develops and progresses. Think of it like a song: The melody (primary variant) is the main part of the song, but the bassist and drummer (secondary variants) can change its groove and rhythm.

That’s why two people with the same genetic mutation can seem so different. One person might have severe symptoms, another person mild symptoms, and another none at all. These variations can even occur within the same family. This phenomenon, called variable expressivity, arises from differences in the secondary variants a person has. In most cases, these variants amplify the effects of the primary mutation. A higher number of secondary variants on top of a primary variant generally leads to more severe disease.

Mutations are a source of genetic variation.

Sometimes, a primary variant and a secondary variant together can cause two different disorders in the same person, such as Prader-Willi syndrome and Pitt-Hopkins syndrome. Other times, secondary variants have no obvious effect on their own but together can tip the balance of whether and how a disease will appear, even in the absence of a primary variant. This can be seen in the development of heart disease in children.

Insights from a missing piece of a chromosome

My team and I studied a genetic change known as a 16p12.1 deletion, where a small piece of chromosome 16 is missing. Researchers have linked this mutation to developmental delay, intellectual disability and psychiatric conditions such as schizophrenia. Yet most children inherit this genetic variant from a parent who has milder symptoms, different symptoms or sometimes no symptoms at all.

To understand why this happens, we analyzed 442 individuals from 124 families carrying this genetic mutation. We found that children lacking this piece of chromosome 16 had more secondary variants elsewhere in the genome compared to their carrier parents. These secondary variants took many forms, including both small changes and large deletions, duplications and expansions of their DNA.

Diagram
Two types of chromosomal mutations include deletion and duplication.
Gandawijaya et al./Biorender via Frontiers in Cellular Neuroscience, CC BY-SA

Each type of secondary variant was associated with different health outcomes. Some were linked to smaller head size and reduced cognitive function, while others contributed to higher rates of psychiatric or developmental symptoms. This suggests that while a 16p12.1 deletion makes the genome more sensitive to neurodevelopmental disorders, which symptoms manifest depends on which other variants are present.

The story gets even more complex when considering the fact that children not only inherit a 16p12.1 deletion from one parent but also inherit secondary variants from both parents.

My team and I found that the symptoms of the parent with this genetic mutation often match those of their spouse. For example, a parent with a 16p12.1 deletion who shows signs of anxiety or depression is more likely to have a partner who also has these symptoms. This pattern, called assortative mating, means that when parents with overlapping genetic risks have children, those risks can combine and accumulate.

Over generations, this stacking of secondary variants can lead to children who have more severe symptoms than their parents.

Biases in genetics research

One reason why scientific understanding of secondary variants has lagged is that genetic research often depends on who is recruited to participate in these studies and how researchers recruit them.

Most studies recruit patients affected with a particular disease. Families recruited from genetic clinics typically have children with severe versions of the disease. But if studies focus only on patients with the most acute symptoms, researchers may overestimate the effects of primary variants and miss the subtler role that secondary variants may play in how a disease develops.

But if researchers were to study people drawn from the general population – say, by recruiting people from a large shopping mall – some might carry the same primary variant but have far milder symptoms or none at all. This variability allows researchers to better dissect how different parts of the genome interact with each other and affect how a disease develops.

In our study, for example, we found that people with a 16p12.1 deletion who were recruited from the general population often had milder symptoms and different patterns of secondary variants compared to those who were recruited in a clinic.

Person in white coat pipetting a sample into a vial, a DNA readout on a screen in the backdrop
Who’s included in genetics research influences how scientists understand disease.
Cavan Images/iStock via Getty Images Plus

Embracing complexity in genetics

Instead of a deterministic view where one mutation equals one outcome, a more complex model accounts for the fact that whether and how a disease develops depends on the interplay between different genetic variants and environment. This has implications for how genetics is used in the clinic.

Currently, a child who tests positive for a genetic variant might be diagnosed with a disease tied to that mutation. In the future, doctors might also examine the child’s broader genetic profile to better predict their developmental trajectory, psychiatric risk or response to therapies. Families could be counseled with a more realistic picture of their child’s probability of developing a disease, rather than assuming every person with the same genetic variant will share the same outcome.

The science is still emerging. Larger and more diverse datasets and models that can better capture the subtle effects of genetic variants and environmental factors are still needed. But what’s clear is that secondary variants are not secondary in importance.

By embracing this complexity, I believe genetics can move closer to its ultimate promise: not just explaining why disease happens, but predicting who is most at risk and personalizing care for each individual.

The Conversation

Santhosh Girirajan receives funding from the National Institutes of Health.

ref. 1 gene, 1 disease no more – acknowledging the full complexity of genetics could improve and personalize medicine – https://theconversation.com/1-gene-1-disease-no-more-acknowledging-the-full-complexity-of-genetics-could-improve-and-personalize-medicine-266558

Chinese companies are changing the way they operate in Africa: here’s how

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Elisa Gambino, Hallsworth Fellow in Political Economy, University of Manchester

For most of the past 25 years, Chinese construction companies operating in Africa could count on generous financial backing from Chinese banks. Between 2000 and 2019, Chinese funders committed almost US$50 billion to African transport projects. Most came from Chinese development finance institutions.

Six years ago, this started to change as Chinese lenders began to pull back. Since 2019, they have committed only US$6 billion for the development of Africa’s infrastructure. Yet Chinese companies continue to thrive on the continent. Many remain market leaders in the construction sector in a number of countries. These include Ethiopia, Ghana and Kenya.

To make sense of how Chinese companies continue to expand at a time of dwindling state funding, we looked at what makes them so successful in African markets. In a recent paper we set out the main drivers. We drew on our expertise on the activities of Chinese companies in Africa and undertook extensive fieldwork in China, Kenya and Ghana.

First, Chinese companies draw on their ties to the Chinese state to enter – or establish – their presence in a specific market. This was the case during the boom of Chinese-funded infrastructure projects across Africa. It continues to be the case for projects central to African countries’ development agendas.

Second, Chinese companies build trust-based relationships with other companies, governments and international organisations. This enables them to secure projects across borders and regions.

Third, companies rely on the everyday relations established with local politicians, officials, business people and intermediaries.

The key to market expansion is firms’ ability to shift between these strategies – sometimes leaning on the Chinese state, sometimes on other multinationals, sometimes on local elites. Our research found that support from the Chinese state was important for market entry. But it did not automatically translate into market survival or expansion. Instead, it is companies’ flexible expansion strategy that has made them so successful.

Our findings highlight that African governments and other local actors have a crucial role to play in shaping the activities of Chinese firms. Their policies and negotiation approach actively influence how these companies operate.

Our results also challenge the common assumption that Chinese companies are simply extensions of China’s foreign policy. We show that many Chinese firms increasingly behave like their western private counterparts: competing for contracts, partnering with other international actors, and adapting to local conditions.

This shift highlights the opportunities and responsibilities of African actors in shaping the impact Chinese companies have in their economies.

How Chinese companies do it

We collected data through research in China, Kenya and Ghana between 2018 and 2022. We studied various written sources, interviewed Chinese construction company staff, and spoke to African government officials and people, companies and organisations.

We also spent four months observing Chinese construction sites in Kenya and Ghana.

In the first place, the ties that bind Chinese companies to the Chinese state have long been a springboard for overseas expansion.

In Kenya, China Road and Bridge Corporation, a subsidiary of Africa’s largest international contractor, China Communication Construction Company, opened its local headquarters in 1984. At first, the road builder mainly worked as subcontractor for other Asian companies, gaining experience in “how to do business” in this African market. It later became the lead contractor for Chinese-financed megaprojects like the Nairobi–Mombasa Standard Gauge Railway.

State-backed loans gave the company large contracts as well as visibility and credibility with Kenyan authorities.

In Ghana, China Harbour Engineering Company, another China Communication Construction Company subsidiary, entered the market through a Chinese-financed agreement in the 2010s. The loan gave the harbour company a way in to the Ghanaian market and the opportunity to build long-term relationships.

During a pause in this project, it sought other projects by using its regional networks in west Africa.

Network building

Our evidence shows that Chinese firms operating in African markets cultivate trust-based networks beyond the realm of the Chinese state. These networks include other multinationals, both Chinese and non-Chinese, regional organisations, international financiers and African state actors.

In Ghana, China Harbour Engineering Company relied on its connections with international partners to “keep busy” while Chinese-funded projects stalled. It secured other port projects in west Africa by partnering with a consortium involving western multinationals.

These projects anchored the company in Ghana’s port sector. They also opened doors to further contracts funded by non-Chinese actors.

In Kenya, China Road and Bridge Corporation similarly expanded outside Chinese-funded projects by winning international tenders. The company’s bids were attractive as it was able to redeploy equipment and staff from nearby projects. This lowered the costs of getting started. For example, machinery and quarries used for the Nairobi-Mombasa railway were also used in the Kenyan government-funded Lamu port project.

The ability to mobilise resources across projects strengthens Chinese companies’ competitiveness in international tenders.

We found that Chinese firms embed themselves in local political and business environments. They develop individual relations with key political and business figures.

In Kenya, China Road and Bridge Corporation’s directors worked closely with politicians and ministries to anticipate infrastructure needs. In some cases, the company carried out feasibility studies before tenders were issued. It could then present ready-made projects, such as the Liwatoni bridge in Mombasa.

In Ghana, China Harbour Engineering Company relied on local intermediaries to navigate the politics of infrastructure development and secure contracts. Young professionals had ties to both Chinese managers and Ghanaian elites. The company also hired foreign consultants to bolster its reputation with local officials.

The implications

For African governments, this shift means that Chinese firms are no longer closely tied to Beijing’s priorities. They will participate in public tenders, invest in public-private partnerships and partner with other multinationals.

Negotiating these firms’ role in African economies will require a different strategy. It less focused on geopolitics and more on regulation of standards and alignment with industrial policy.

The next phase of Africa-China infrastructural engagement will not be defined by large Chinese loan packages. It will be driven by operational contexts, various alliances, and a competitive world market.

The Conversation

Elisa Gambino’s work was undertaken under the European Research Council advanced grant for the project ‘African Governance and Space: Transport Corridors, Border Towns and Port Cities in Transition’ (AFRIGOS; ADG-2014–670851) and with the support of a Hallsworth Research Fellowship in Political Economy held at the Global Development Institute of the University of Manchester.

Costanza Franceschini’s research was conducted under a PhD scholarship from the University of Milano-Bicocca, Department of Human Sciences for Education ‘Riccardo Massa’, PhD Program in Cultural and Social Anthropology, and the financial support of the LDE (Leiden-Delft-Erasmus Universities) Research Centre PortCityFutures.

ref. Chinese companies are changing the way they operate in Africa: here’s how – https://theconversation.com/chinese-companies-are-changing-the-way-they-operate-in-africa-heres-how-266173

Male circumcision is made easier by a clever South African invention – we trained healthcare workers to use it

Source: The Conversation – Africa (2) – By Peter S Millard, Adjunct Professor, University of New England

Voluntary medical male circumcision is one of the most important ways to reduce new HIV infections. The foreskin contains receptors that the HIV virus can attach to, and removing it reduces HIV transmission from women to men by about 60% .

But cost and access issues have been barriers for many men and boys in southern Africa. With US funding being cut for HIV programmes, it is increasingly important to scale up voluntary circumcision programmes using local resources.

Together with Bonginkosi Eugene Khumalo, head of circumcision programme at Northdale Hospital, KwaZulu-Natal, we did a study to evaluate the training of primary care providers to use Unicirc, a novel surgical instrument designed in South Africa according to World Health Organization (WHO) specifications.

Our new study describes an ongoing training programme being run by the Centre for Excellence (a long-standing circumcision training programme) at Northdale Hospital in KwaZulu-Natal, a province where traditional circumcision is not practised and which has the highest HIV prevalence in South Africa.

Unicirc is a simple, single-use circumcision tool made of metal and plastic. It’s pre-sterilised, disposable and designed for use by general healthcare workers not just specialists. This makes it safe and practical for use in local clinics.

The study demonstrated the practicality of training primary care doctors, nurses and clinical associates in Unicirc male circumcision.

Circumcision is an important HIV prevention method. It’s vital for countries to scale up services in a cost-effective way and to make them widely available in local areas.

How it’s done

Currently, almost all circumcisions are done by surgical cut and stitch techniques, where specially trained surgeons cut off the foreskin with scissors, then sew up the open wound. It can be done in a surgery under local anaesthesia, but men and boys need to be monitored closely afterwards to make sure all bleeding is stopped. It can cost anywhere between R1000 and R4000 in the private sector in South Africa.

Doctor Cyril and doctor Elisabeth Parker developed the method at their general practice in Cape Town in 2012. This new tool greatly simplifies circumcision so that it can be performed by medical personnel with basic training. It takes only 10 minutes, causes no bleeding, needs no injections or stitches. It results in a rapidly healing, cosmetically pleasing circumcision.

Thousands of these circumcisions have been performed at clinics in Cape Town and an area called Mitchell’s Plain, and nurses and clinical associates have been trained in the technique. Unicirc circumcisions are now being offered at nurse-run Unjani clinics in South Africa.

In the Northdale programme, Dr Cyril Parker and his colleagues trained 67 providers, the majority of whom were nurses and clinical associates. These are mid-level healthcare professionals who work under the supervision of a medical doctor to provide primary medical care. They performed these circumcisions on 1,240 men and boys with no serious complications. Trainees found it faster, simpler and with better results than other methods. The programme is ongoing, with trainees continuing to perform circumcisions safely.

Initially, none of the trainees had used Unicirc. Around 61% of trainees were men and 39% were women, showing a need to encourage more women to join. Nurses (46%) and doctors (45%) made up most trainees, and clinical associates the rest (9%). About 38% had no prior circumcision experience, while 33% were highly experienced in surgical circumcision. This shows the programme can train complete beginners as well as experienced providers.

Nurses and clinical associates are key to expanding cost-effective circumcision access, freeing up medical doctors for other tasks. A disposable, single-use tool reduces infection risks and is well-suited to clinics with limited resources.

What next?

The programme is moving into a phase focused on mentoring, quality checks and further expansion. If widely adopted, Unicirc could greatly improve access to safe, simple and rapid circumcision across resource-limited settings. It is simple enough to be used in traditional circumcision schools.

Along with effective treatment, prevention of mother-to-child transmission, and medication to prevent HIV infection, circumcision plays a critical role in HIV prevention efforts in Africa. Unlike traditional circumcision, voluntary medical circumcision is done under sterile conditions by trained providers with few complications and the ability to deal with any that do occur.

Several southern African countries started their national circumcisions programmes to prevent HIV in 2010. As of 2023, 37 million voluntary medical male circumcisions had been performed in 15 high priority African countries. Estimates are that one million HIV infections have been prevented, saving the cost of treating and monitoring those cases, and avoiding transmission to partners. Circumcision actually saves money in many countries.

The Conversation

Peter S Millard does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Male circumcision is made easier by a clever South African invention – we trained healthcare workers to use it – https://theconversation.com/male-circumcision-is-made-easier-by-a-clever-south-african-invention-we-trained-healthcare-workers-to-use-it-265307

Nobel physics prize awarded for pioneering experiments that paved the way for quantum computers

Source: The Conversation – UK – By Rob Morris, Professor of Physics, School of Science and Technology, Nottingham Trent University

The 2025 Nobel prize in Physics has been awarded to three scientists for the discovery of an effect that has applications in medical devices and quantum computing.

John Clarke, Michel Devoret and John Martinis conducted a series of experiments around 40 years ago which would go on to shape our understanding of the strange properties of the quantum world. It’s a timely award, since 2025 is the 100th anniversary of the formulation of quantum mechanics.

In the microscopic world, a particle can sometimes pass through a barrier and appear on the other side. This phenomenon is called quantum tunnelling. The laureates’ experiments demonstrated tunnelling in the macroscopic world – in other words, the world that’s visible to the naked eye. They showed that it could be observed on an experimental electrical circuit.

Quantum tunnelling has potential future applications in improving memory for mobile phones and has been important for the development of “qubits”, which store and process information in quantum computers. It also has applications in superconducting devices, those that conduct electricity with very little resistance.

British-born John Clarke is Professor of Physics at the University of California, Berkeley. Michel Devoret was born in Paris and is the F. W. Beinecke Professor of Applied Physics at Yale University. John Martinis is Professor of Physics at the University of California, Santa Barbara.

What is quantum tunnelling?

Quantum tunnelling is a counter-intuitive phenomenon where the tiny particles which make up everything we can see and touch can appear on the other side of a solid barrier, which you would otherwise expect to stop them.

Since it was first proposed in 1927, it has been observed for very small particles and it is responsible for our explanation of the radioactive decay of large atoms into smaller atoms and something else called an alpha particle. However, it was also predicted that we might be able to see this same behaviour for larger things. We call this macroscopic quantum tunnelling.

How can we see quantum tunnelling?

The key to observing this macroscopic tunnelling is something called a Josephson junction, which is essentially a fancy broken wire. The wire is not a typical wire which you might use to charge your phone, instead it is a special type of material known as a superconductor. A superconductor has no resistance, which means that a current can flow through it forever without losing any energy. They are used, for example, to create the very strong magnetic fields in magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) scanners.

So how does this help us to explain this strange quantum tunnelling behaviour? If we put two superconducting wires end to end, separated by an insulator, we create our Josephson junction. This is normally manufactured in a single device which, with a basic understanding of electricity, shouldn’t conduct electricity. However, thanks to quantum tunnelling we can see that current can flow across the junction.

The three prize winners demonstrated quantum tunnelling in a paper published in 1985 (it’s common to have such large gaps in time before Nobel prizes are awarded). Quantum tunnelling had previously been suggested to be caused by a breakdown in the insulator. The researchers started by cooling their experimental apparatus to within a fraction of a degree of absolute zero, the coldest temperature which can be achieved.

Heat can give the electrons in conductors just enough energy to get through the barrier. So it would make sense that the more the device is cooled, the fewer electrons would escape. If however quantum tunnelling is taking place, there should be a temperature below which the number of electrons which escape should no longer decrease. The three prize winners found exactly this.

Why is this important?

At the time, the three scientists were trying to prove this developing theory about macroscopic quantum tunnelling through experiments. Even during the announcement of the 2025 prize, Clarke downplayed the importance of this discovery, even though it has been pivotal in so many developments which are at the forefront of quantum physics today.

Quantum computing remains one of the most exciting opportunities which is promised for the near future, and is the source of significant investment worldwide. It comes with much speculation about the risks to our encryption technologies.

It will also ultimately solve problems which are outside the reach of even the largest of today’s supercomputers. The handful of quantum computers which are in existence today, rely on the work of the three 2025 physics Nobel laureates and no doubt will be the subject of another physics Nobel prize in the coming decades.

We are already exploiting these effects in other devices such as superconducting quantum interference devices (Squids) which are used to measure small variations in magnetic fields from the Earth, allowing us to find minerals below the surface. Squids also have uses in medicine. By detecting extremely weak magnetic fields, they can improve on the images from MRI and provide high resolution images of tumours. They can also be used to map electrical activity in the brain, helping to manage epilepsy.

We can’t predict if and when we will have quantum computers in our homes, or indeed in our hands. One thing that is for certain, though, is that the speed of development of this new technology is thanks in no small part to the winners of the 2025 Nobel prize in physics, demonstrating macroscopic quantum mechanical tunnelling in electric circuits.

The Conversation

Rob Morris does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Nobel physics prize awarded for pioneering experiments that paved the way for quantum computers – https://theconversation.com/nobel-physics-prize-awarded-for-pioneering-experiments-that-paved-the-way-for-quantum-computers-266911