The disgraceful history of erasing Black cemeteries in the United States

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Chip Colwell, Associate Research Professor of Anthropology, University of Colorado Denver

The Shockoe Hill African Burying Ground in Richmond, Va. CC BY-SA 4.0, CC BY

The burying ground looks like an abandoned lot.

Holding the remains of upward of 22,000 enslaved and free people of color, the Shockoe Hill African Burying Ground in Richmond, Virginia, established in 1816, sits amid highways and surface roads. Above the expanse of unmarked graves loom a deserted auto shop, a power substation, a massive billboard. The bare ground of the cemetery is strewn with weeds.

In contrast, across the way sits Shockoe Hill Cemetery. Established in 1822, it remains a peaceful cemetery with grass, large trees and bright marble headstones. This cemetery was created for white Christians.

I am an archaeologist who studies how the past shapes public life. Several years ago, I wrote with colleagues about the legacies of stolen human remains of African Americans in museums. During this time, I learned more about how African Americans often had to bury their dead in unsanctioned spaces that received few protections.

As I dug into this history, what struck me the most was that the different treatment of African Americans in death paralleled their long mistreatment in life. Places like Shockoe have not been accidentally forgotten.

Although its purpose has endured and graves survive, Shockoe Hill African Burying Ground, the largest burial ground for enslaved and free people of color in the United States, has witnessed deliberate acts of violence. As the historian Ryan K. Smith writes, Shockoe “was not, as some would say, abandoned – it was actively destroyed.”

African burying grounds found and lost

This issue of protecting Black cemeteries first came to popular attention in 1991, when the African Burial Ground in downtown New York City was rediscovered and nearly obliterated by a construction project. It was preserved only through the valiant efforts of African American leaders and scientists.

In recent years, similar threats to Black cemeteries and questions about preservation have been reported at the Whitney Plantation in Louisiana, the Morningstar Tabernacle No. 88 in Maryland and a rediscovered graveyard in Florida, among many others.

Like these other cemeteries, the Shockoe Hill African Burying Ground has long faced constant perils, from grave robbing to construction projects.

Lenora McQueen, whose ancestor Kitty Cary was buried there in 1857, has been leading the effort to protect the cemetery. McQueen’s tireless work – like the efforts needed at any disregarded Black cemetery in the country – has ranged from collaborating with city officials to purchase part of the site, establishing a marker and mural, and assembling a team to earn the burying ground the recognition of the National Register of Historic Places.

Smith has detailed how, ever since Richmond’s founding in the 1730s, people of European and African descent in the city lived divided lives. By the early 1800s, officials formalized different cemeteries for Richmond’s different ethnic and racial communities.

A 1-acre cemetery for free Black people and another one for enslaved people were situated near the city poorhouse and gunpowder depot. Yet, these grounds were hallowed to the African American community. Burial rituals included long processions, biblical-inflected homilies, spirituals and public displays of grief.

However, the violations of these graves were easy enough. The cemetery was neither fenced nor formally tended. In the 1830s, medical schools began robbing the burying ground for cadavers. At the close of the Civil War, retreating Confederates exploded the gunpowder magazine, reportedly destroying a section of the cemetery.

City officials formally closed the cemetery in 1879, and the site’s systematic destruction began, despite constant objections of Black residents. Road and construction projects cut through the burial grounds. An African American editor at the time denounced the “people who profited by the desecration of the burial ground … when graves were dug into, bones scattered, coffins exposed and the hearts of the surviving families made to bleed by the desecration of the remains of their loved ones.”

In the years that followed, a railroad track and an elevated highway were built on portions of the cemetery. In 1960, Richmond city officials sold a portion of the burying ground to Shell, and a gas station was built atop the remains of human beings.

The struggle to preserve Shockoe

In 2011, the Virginia Department of Historic Resources conducted a survey to determine the eligibility of the deserted auto shop for the National Register of Historic Places. It did not even consider the history of the Shockoe Hill African Burying Ground beneath and around the building as part of the site’s evaluation.

Six years later, McQueen learned that her ancestor was interred at the burying ground. Horrified by the cemetery’s state of disarray, she became its leading advocate. Eventually, McQueen put together a team of scholars and preservationists to pursue their own study of the site’s eligibility for the national register. They found the cultural landscape – the traces of human activity that give a place its history and meaning – to be highly significant.

Additionally, the site’s history of destruction was a vital record of the unequal treatment shown toward Black burying grounds in the U.S. The team formally pursued its own nomination to the National Register of Historic places.

In 2022, Shockoe Hill Burying Ground Historic District was successfully listed is on the national register.

Even with this success, the threats continue. Being listed on the national register provides prestige, grant opportunities and reviews for federal projects, but few guaranteed protections. In the same year Shockoe was listed on the national register, utility lines were installed in the area without consulting heritage officials.

A high-speed rail project, if implemented as planned, could violate the cemetery’s historical landscape. Designs for a memorial, while well intentioned, might further harm the site and threaten its national register status if it is not treated as a cemetery with graves.

What the Shockoe Hill African Burying Ground reveals is the need for the U.S. to provide dignity to all its citizens, in life and in death. A cemetery does not need famous inhabitants or marble tombstones to be significant.

As McQueen has said of her ancestor’s eternal resting ground, “Burial spaces are sacred.”

The Conversation

I have sat in on some meetings about the burial ground’s preservation as a heritage expert, at the request of the descendant Lenora McQueen.

ref. The disgraceful history of erasing Black cemeteries in the United States – https://theconversation.com/the-disgraceful-history-of-erasing-black-cemeteries-in-the-united-states-264864

Office of Space Commerce faces an uncertain future amid budget cuts and new oversight

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Michael Liemohn, Professor of Climate and Space Sciences and Engineering, University of Michigan

The OSC advocates for commercial activities in space, including commercial satellite launches. AP Photo/John Raoux

When I imagine the future of space commerce, the first image that comes to mind is a farmer’s market on the International Space Station. This doesn’t exist yet, but space commerce is a growing industry. The Space Foundation, a nonprofit organization for education and advocacy of space, estimates that the global space economy rose to US$613 billion in 2024, up nearly 8% from 2023, and 250 times larger than all business at farmer’s markets in the United States. This number includes launch vehicles, satellite hardware, and services provided by these space-based assets, such as satellite phone or internet connection.

Companies involved in spaceflight have been around since the start of the Space Age. By the 1980s, corporate space activity was gaining traction. President Ronald Reagan saw the need for a federal agency to oversee and guide this industry and created the Office of Space Commerce, or OSC.

The logo of the OSC, which is circular and has three stars and nine black and white stripes.
The Office of Space Commerce is under the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration.
Office of Space Commerce − National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration

So, what exactly does this office do and why is it important?

As a space scientist, I am interested in how the U.S. regulates commercial activities in space. In addition, I teach a course on space policy. In class, we talk about the OSC and its role in the wider regulatory landscape affecting commercial use of outer space.

The OSC’s focus areas

The Office of Space Commerce, an office of about 50 people, exists within the Department of Commerce’s National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration. To paraphrase its mission statement, its chief purpose is to enable a robust U.S. commercial interest in outer space.

OSC has three main focus areas. First, it is the office responsible for licensing and monitoring how private U.S. companies collect and distribute orbit-based images of Earth. There are many companies launching satellites with special cameras to look back down at the Earth these days. Companies offer a variety of data products and services from such imagery – for instance, to improve agricultural land use.

A second primary job of OSC is space advocacy. OSC works with the other U.S. government agencies that also have jurisdiction over commercial use of outer space to make the regulatory environment easier. This includes working with the Federal Aviation Administration on launch licensing, the Federal Communications Commission on radio wavelength usage and the Environmental Protection Agency on rules about the hazardous chemicals in rocket fuel.

This job also includes coordinating with other countries that allow companies to launch satellites, collect data in orbit and offer space-based services.

In 2024, for example, the OSC helped revise the U.S. Export Administration Regulations, one of the main documents restricting the shipping of advanced technologies out of the country. This change removed some limitations, allowing American companies to export certain types of spacecraft to three countries: Australia, Canada and the United Kingdom.

The OSC also coordinates commercial satellites’ flight paths in near-Earth space, which is its third and largest function. The Department of Defense keeps track of thousands of objects in outer space and issues alerts when the probability of a collision gets high. In 2018, President Donald Trump issued Space Policy Directive-3, which included tasking OSC to take this role over for nongovernment satellites – that is, those owned by companies, not NASA or the military. The Department od Defense wants out of the job of traffic management involving privately owned satellites, and Trump’s directive in 2018 started the process of handing off this task to OSC.

A rocket launching from a structure, with a plume of smoke beneath it.
When companies launch satellites into orbit, as on this SpaceX Falcon 9 rocket, the OSC helps manage the satellites’ flight paths in orbit to avoid collisions.
AP Photo/John Raoux

To prevent satellites from colliding, OSC has been developing the traffic coordination system for space, known as TraCSS. It went into beta testing in 2024 and has some of the companies with the largest commercial constellations – such as SpaceX’s Starlink – participating. Progress on this has been slower than anticipated, though, and an audit in 2024 revealed that the plan is way behind schedule and perhaps still years away.

Elevating OSC

Deep in the text of Trump’s Aug. 13, 2025, executive order called Enabling Competition in the Commercial Space Industry, there’s a directive to elevate OSC to report directly to the office of the secretary of commerce. This would make OSC equivalent to its current overseer, NOAA, with respect to importance and priority within the Department of Commerce. It would give OSC higher stature in setting more of the rules regarding commercial use of space, and it would make space commerce more visible across the broader economy.

So, why did Trump include this line about elevating OSC in his Aug. 13 executive order?

An astronaut pointing a camera out a circular window in the International Space Station at a
European Space Agency astronaut Alexander Gerst, Expedition 41 flight engineer, uses a still camera at a window in the cupola of the International Space Station as the SpaceX Dragon commercial cargo craft approaches the station on Sept. 23, 2014.
Alex Gerst/Johnson Space Center

Back in 2018, Trump issued Space Policy Directive-2 during his first term, which included a task to create the Space Policy Advancing Commerce Enterprise Administration, or SPACE. SPACE would have been an entity reporting directly to the secretary of commerce. While it was proposed as a bill in the House of Representatives later that year, it never became law.

The Aug. 13 executive order essentially directs the Department of Commerce to make this move now. Should the secretary of commerce enact the order, it would bypass the role of Congress in promoting OSC. The 60-day window that Trump placed in the executive order for making this change has closed, but with the government shutdown it is unclear whether the elevation of OSC might still occur.

Troubles for OSC

While all of this sounds good for promoting space as a place for commercial activity, OSC has been under stress in 2025. In February, the Department of Government Efficiency targeted NOAA for cuts, including firing eight people from OSC. Because about half of the people working in OSC are contractors, this represented a 30% reduction of force.

The dome of the Congress building in the dark.
Many space industry professionals have urged Congress to restore funding to the OSC, but its future remains uncertain.
AP Photo/J. Scott Applewhite

In March, Trump’s presidential budget request for the 2026 fiscal year proposed a cut of 85% of the $65 million annual budget of OSC. In July, space industry leaders urged Congress to restore funding to OSC.

The Aug. 13 executive order appeared to be good news for OSC. On Sept. 9, however, Bloomberg reported that the Department of Commerce requested a 40% rescission to OSC’s fiscal year 2025 budget.

Rescissions are “clawbacks” of funds already approved and appropriated by Congress. The promised funding is essentially put on hold. Once proposed by the president, rescissions have to be voted on by both chambers of Congress to be enacted. This must occur within 45 days, or before the end of the fiscal year, which was Sept. 30.

This rescission request came so close to that deadline that Congress did not act to stop it. As a result, OSC lost this funding. The loss could mean additional cutbacks to staff and perhaps even a shrinking of its focus areas.

Will OSC be elevated? Will OSC be restructured or even dismantled? The future is still uncertain for this office.

The Conversation

Michael Liemohn receives or has received funding from NASA, NSF, Department of Defense, Department of Energy, and the European Union. He is currently the President-Elect of the Space Physics and Aeronomy section of the American Geophysical Union and has served in other leadership roles with that society.

ref. Office of Space Commerce faces an uncertain future amid budget cuts and new oversight – https://theconversation.com/office-of-space-commerce-faces-an-uncertain-future-amid-budget-cuts-and-new-oversight-265710

College faculty are under pressure to say and do the right thing – the stress also trickles down to students

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Lee Ann Rawlins Williams, Clinical Assistant Professor of Education, Health and Behavior Studies, University of North Dakota

Professors and other faculty were under a lot of strain even before the Trump administration took office. Spiffy J/iStock/Getty Images Plus

Heavy teaching loads, shrinking university budgets and expanding workload expectations have fueled stress and burnout among professors and other university employees in recent years.

Now, an increasingly polarized political climate, as well as emerging concerns around university funding cuts, self-censorship and academic freedom, has created new pressures for university and college employees.

The result is an academic profession caught in the crosscurrents of culture and politics, with implications that extend far beyond the classroom.

What faculty say

Since June 2025, I have spoken with 33 faculty members across disciplines and institutions in the U.S. about how they are managing their careers and day-to-day lives at work and home.

Their accounts reveal common themes: persistent anxiety about job security, uncertainty around how to teach controversial subjects, and frustration that institutional support is often fragmented or short-lived.

“We’re asked to make room for students’ struggles, but are rarely acknowledged when we crack under the same weight,” one professor told me.

A 2024 National Education Association survey found that 33% of 900 public administration faculty are “often” or “always” physically exhausted, while 38% of faculty say they are “often” or “always” emotionally exhausted.

Another 40% of faculty from this survey say they are simply “worn out.”

Other research shows that growing workloads and constant role juggling are taking a toll on faculty members’ well-being and ability to teach effectively.

Burnout among educators can have ripple effects on the university and college students they teach, leading to students feeling less motivated and engaged in school.

As a scholar of education, health and behavior studies, I know that when universities and colleges invest in supporting their faculty’s mental health and well-being, they’re not just helping their employees. They are protecting the quality of education that their students receive.

Several adults stand together and look serious, holding a sign that says 'Academic freedom is not negotiable.'
Faculty members and professors attend a rally outside Columbia University in New York for academic freedom in September 2025.
Mostafa Bassim/Anadolu via Getty Images

When politics enters the classroom

Surveys spanning 2017 through 2021 found that 6,269 faculty members have increasingly self-censored and avoided controversial topics or moderated their language when talking with their students and colleagues in order to avoid backlash from legislators, university boards or school administrators.

The result is a form of burnout, in which protecting one’s mental health and job security can mean speaking more carefully when teaching.

A January 2025 Inside Higher Ed survey published shortly before President Donald Trump’s second inauguration found that over half of 8,460 surveyed U.S. professors have altered what they said or wrote, whether it was course materials or emails, to avoid expressing a possibly controversial opinion.

Nearly half of surveyed professors have also withheld opinions in the classroom entirely, according to the same survey, which was conducted from December 2023 to February 2024.

Scholars call this a “chilling effect” on academic freedom, where self-censorship becomes part of daily decision-making.

In the current political climate, faculty in many institutions continue to express reluctance to speak openly, citing concerns about professional or public repercussions. Even though comprehensive research since January 2025 is still emerging, early findings already suggest a further narrowing of what feels safe to say.

One-third of faculty reported in January that they feel they have less freedom to express their views, reflecting an environment in which faculty members’ voices are increasingly constrained

Faculty I spoke with over the past few months described “navigating sensitive boundaries” in their lectures, avoiding having any discussion about race, gender and religion. They also talked about not using terms like diversity, equity and inclusion.

Watching what you say

For professors on contingent contracts – meaning they are not on a track to receive tenure, a secure work position that typically lasts a lifetime – the fear is heightened. The same is true for other faculty members like adjunct professors, who depend on short-term or renewable contracts.

Without the protection of tenure, even a single complaint or potential controversy can jeopardize a professor’s position – and recent cases of tenured professors suggest that even tenure no longer offers the same level of security it once did.

One adjunct professor put it bluntly: “When your next contract depends on staying in bounds, watching what you say is survival.”

For many instructors, the need to continually reassess how a comment, reading or assignment might be received changes the experience of teaching in subtle but meaningful ways.

Faculty members I spoke with described heightened anxiety, sleepless nights and a persistent fear that a misstep could derail their careers. This psychological strain, compounded by workload and financial stress, leaves little space for creativity, innovation or joy in teaching.

A black-and-white photo of an older man wearing a blazer has different-colored squiggle lines coming out from his head, forming a cloudlike shape above him
Many faculty members report that they are increasingly self-censoring in order to avoid potential controversy.
master1350/iStock via Getty Images Plus

The downstream effects on students

Faculty members’ well-being is inseparable from how students experience college. Burnout and disengagement ripple outward, reducing students’ motivation and eroding the quality of students’ classroom interactions, as noted in a 2025 study.

When professors self-censor, students can also lose exposure to complex or controversial perspectives that might challenge their thinking and deepen discussions.

Restrictions on free expression and debate can also stifle students’ intellectual curiosity, curb engagement and hinder critical-thinking development.

Equally concerning is the long-term impact on innovation.

When academic freedom is restricted or self-censored, there is a greater potential that research questions will become more narrow, classroom discussions will flatten, and students will lose exposure to the breadth of perspectives that higher education promises.

A new kind of academic life

Faculty mental health is a pressing concern across higher education.

Expanding workloads, shifting public expectations and uncertainty around job security have created an environment of sustained strain.

The professors I have spoken with say they feeling caught between professional demands and personal limits, navigating burnout, self-censorship and ongoing attention to what they teach and say.

The cumulative effect is reshaping academic life, altering how faculty teach, communicate and engage with students, with a very careful eye on how others are perceiving them.

The Conversation

Lee Ann Rawlins Williams does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. College faculty are under pressure to say and do the right thing – the stress also trickles down to students – https://theconversation.com/college-faculty-are-under-pressure-to-say-and-do-the-right-thing-the-stress-also-trickles-down-to-students-267400

Can AI keep students motivated, or does it do the opposite?

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By Yurou Wang, Associate Professor of Educational Psychology, University of Alabama

AI-based tools can be effective in motivating students but require proper design and thoughtful implementation. Associated Press

Imagine a student using a writing assistant powered by a generative AI chatbot. As the bot serves up practical suggestions and encouragement, insights come more easily, drafts polish up quickly and feedback loops feel immediate. It can be energizing. But when that AI support is removed, some students report feeling less confident or less willing to engage.

These outcomes raise the question: Can AI tools genuinely boost student motivation? And what conditions can make or break that boost?

As AI tools become more common in classroom settings, the answers to these questions matter a lot. While tools for general use such as ChatPGT or Claude remain popular, more and more students are encountering AI tools that are purpose-built to support learning, such as Khan Academy’s Khanmigo, which personalizes lessons. Others, such as ALEKS, provide adaptive feedback. Both tools adjust to a learner’s level and highlight progress over time, which helps students feel capable and see improvement. But there are still many unknowns about the long-term effects of these tools on learners’ progress, an issue I continue to study as an educational psychologist.

What the evidence shows so far

Recent studies indicate that AI can boost motivation, at least for certain groups, when deployed under the right conditions. A 2025 experiment with university students showed that when AI tools delivered a high-quality performance and allowed meaningful interaction, students’ motivation and their confidence in being able to complete a task – known as self-efficacy – increased.

For foreign language learners, a 2025 study found that university students using AI-driven personalized systems took more pleasure in learning and had less anxiety and more self-efficacy compared with those using traditional methods. A recent cross-cultural analysis with participants from Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Spain and Poland who were studying diverse majors suggested that positive motivational effects are strongest when tools prioritize autonomy, self-direction and critical thinking. These individual findings align with a broader, systematic review of generative AI tools that found positive effects on student motivation and engagement across cognitive, emotional and behavioral dimensions.

A forthcoming meta-analysis from my team at the University of Alabama, which synthesized 71 studies, echoed these patterns. We found that generative AI tools on average produce moderate positive effects on motivation and engagement. The impact is larger when tools are used consistently over time rather than in one-off trials. Positive effects were also seen when teachers provide scaffolding, when students maintain agency in how they use the tool, and when the output quality is reliable.

But there are caveats. More than 50 of the studies we reviewed did not draw on a clear theoretical framework of motivation, and some used methods that we found were weak or inappropriate. This raises concerns about the quality of the evidence and underscores how much more careful research is needed before one can say with confidence that AI nurtures students’ intrinsic motivation rather than just making tasks easier in the moment.

When AI backfires

There is also research that paints a more sobering picture. A large study of more than 3,500 participants found that while human–AI collaboration improved task performance, it reduced intrinsic motivation once the AI was removed. Students reported more boredom and less satisfaction, suggesting that overreliance on AI can erode confidence in their own abilities.

Another study suggested that while learning achievement often rises with the use of AI tools, increases in motivation are smaller, inconsistent or short-lived. Quality matters as much as quantity. When AI delivers inaccurate results, or when students feel they have little control over how it is used, motivation quickly erodes. Confidence drops, engagement fades and students can begin to see the tool as a crutch rather than a support. And because there are not many long-term studies in this field, we still do not know whether AI can truly sustain motivation over time, or whether its benefits fade once the novelty wears off.

Not all AI tools work the same way

The impact of AI on student motivation is not one-size-fits-all. Our team’s meta-analysis shows that, on average, AI tools do have a positive effect, but the size of that effect depends on how and where they are used. When students work with AI regularly over time, when teachers guide them in using it thoughtfully, and when students feel in control of the process, the motivational benefits are much stronger.

We also saw differences across settings. College students seemed to gain more than younger learners, STEM and writing courses tended to benefit more than other subjects, and tools designed to give feedback or tutoring support outperformed those that simply generated content.

Young student working on tablet at school.
Specialized AI-based tools designed for learning tend to work better for students with proper teacher support compared to general-purpose chatbots such as ChatGPT and Claude. But those specialized products typically cost money, raising questions over equity and quality of education.
Charlie Riedel/AP

There is also evidence that general-use tools like ChatGPT or Claude do not reliably promote intrinsic motivation or deeper engagement with content, compared to learning-specific platforms such as ALEKS and Khanmigo, which are more effective at supporting persistence and self-efficacy. However, these tools often come with subscription or licensing costs. This raises questions of equity, since the students who could benefit most from motivational support may also be the least likely to afford it.

These and other recent findings should be seen as only a starting point. Because AI is so new and is changing so quickly, what we know today may not hold true tomorrow. In a paper titled The Death and Rebirth of Research in Education in the Age of AI, the authors argue that the speed of technological change makes traditional studies outdated before they are even published. At the same time, AI opens the door to new ways of studying learning that are more participatory, flexible and imaginative. Taken together, the data and the critiques point to the same lesson: Context, quality and agency matter just as much as the technology itself.

Why it matters for all of us

The lessons from this growing body of research are straightforward. The presence of AI does not guarantee higher motivation, but it can make a difference if tools are designed and used with care and understanding of students’ needs. When it is used thoughtfully, in ways that strengthen students’ sense of competence, autonomy and connection to others, it can be a powerful ally in learning.

But without those safeguards, the short-term boost in performance could come at a steep cost. Over time, there is the risk of weakening the very qualities that matter most – motivation, persistence, critical thinking and the uniquely human capacities that no machine can replace.

For teachers, this means that while AI may prove a useful partner in learning, it should never serve as a stand-in for genuine instruction. For parents, it means paying attention to how children use AI at home, noticing whether they are exploring, practicing and building skills or simply leaning on it to finish tasks. For policymakers and technology developers, it means creating systems that support student agency, provide reliable feedback and avoid encouraging overreliance. And for students themselves, it is a reminder that AI can be a tool for growth, but only when paired with their own effort and curiosity.

Regardless of technology, students need to feel capable, autonomous and connected. Without these basic psychological needs in place, their sense of motivation will falter – with or without AI.

The Conversation

Yurou Wang does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Can AI keep students motivated, or does it do the opposite? – https://theconversation.com/can-ai-keep-students-motivated-or-does-it-do-the-opposite-264728

Is it wrong to have too much money? Your answer may depend on deep-seated values – and your country’s economy

Source: The Conversation – USA (3) – By Jackson Trager, Ph.D. Candidate in Psychology, USC Dornsife College of Letters, Arts and Sciences

Demonstrators arrive for a protest ahead of the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, on Jan. 19, 2025. AP Photo/Markus Schreiber

Across cultures, people often wrestle with whether having lots of money is a blessing, a burden or a moral problem. According to our new research, how someone views billionaires isn’t just about economics. Judgment also hinges on certain cultural and moral instincts, which helps explain why opinions about wealth are so polarized.

The study, which my colleague Mohammad Atari and I published in the research journal PNAS Nexus in June 2025, examined survey data from more than 4,300 people across 20 countries. We found that while most people around the world do not strongly condemn having “too much money,” there are striking cultural differences.

In wealthy, more economically equal countries such as Switzerland and Belgium, people were more likely to say that having too much money is immoral. In countries that are poorer and more unequal, such as Peru or Nigeria, people tended to view wealth accumulation as more acceptable.

Beyond economics, we found that judgments about excessive wealth are also shaped by deeper moral intuitions. Our study drew on moral foundations theory, which proposes that people’s sense of right and wrong is built on six core values – care, equality, proportionality, loyalty, authority and purity. We found that people who highly value equality and purity were more likely to see excessive wealth as wrong.

The equality result was expected, but the role of purity was more surprising. Purity is usually associated with ideas about cleanliness, sanctity or avoiding contamination – so finding that it is associated with negative views about wealth gives new meaning to the phrase “filthy rich.”

As a social psychologist who studies morality, culture and technology, I’m interested in how these kinds of judgments differ across groups and societies. Social and institutional systems interact with individual moral beliefs, shaping how people view culture war issues such as wealth and inequality − and, in turn, how they engage with the policies and conflicts that emerge around them.

Why it matters

Billionaires wield growing influence in politics, technology and global development. The richest 1% of people on Earth own more wealth than 95% of people combined, according to Oxfam, an organization focused on fighting poverty.

Efforts to address inequality by taxing or regulating the rich may, however, rest on a mistaken assumption — that the public generally condemns extreme wealth. If most people instead view amassing wealth as morally justifiable, such reforms could face limited support.

Our findings suggest that in countries where inequality is highly visible and persistent, people may adapt by morally justifying their structural economic system, arguing that it is fair and legitimate. In wealthier, more equal societies, people appear more sensitive to the potential harms of excess.

While our study shows that most people around the world do not view excessive wealth as morally wrong, those in wealthier and more equal countries are far more likely to condemn it.

That contrast raises a sharper question: When people in privileged societies denounce and attempt to limit billionaires, are they shining a light on global injustice − or projecting their own sense of guilt? Are they projecting a moral principle shaped by their own prosperity onto poorer countries, where wealth may represent survival, progress or even hope?

What still isn’t known

One open question: How do these views change over time? Do attitudes shift when societies become wealthier or more equal? Are young people more likely than older generations to condemn billionaires? Our study offers a snapshot, but long-term research could reveal whether moral judgments track broader economic or cultural changes.

Another uncertainty is the unexpected role of purity. Why would a value tied to cleanliness and sanctity shape how people judge billionaires? Our follow-up study found that purity concerns extended beyond money to other forms of “excess,” such as disapproving of having “too much” ambition, sex or fun. This suggests that people may see excess itself – not just inequality – as corrupting.

What’s next

We’re continuing to study how cultural values, social systems and moral intuitions shape people’s judgments of fairness and excess – from views of wealth and ambition to knowledge and AI computing power.

Understanding these gut-level, moral reactions within larger social systems matters for debates about inequality. But it can also help explain how people evaluate technologies, leaders and institutions that accumulate disproportionate, excessive power or influence.

The Research Brief is a short take on interesting academic work.

The Conversation

Jackson Trager does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Is it wrong to have too much money? Your answer may depend on deep-seated values – and your country’s economy – https://theconversation.com/is-it-wrong-to-have-too-much-money-your-answer-may-depend-on-deep-seated-values-and-your-countrys-economy-265247

Côte d’Ivoire’s elections have already been decided: Outtara will win and democracy will lose

Source: The Conversation – Africa (2) – By Sebastian van Baalen, Associate Senior Lecturer, Uppsala University

Even before the ballot, the 25 October presidential polls in Côte d’Ivoire can already be described as a loss to democracy and democratic values. Incumbent president Alassane Ouattara is running for a fourth term. With his two main contenders barred from participating, the president will most likely win by a landslide.

Ouattara has previously claimed three electoral victories. The first, in 2010, was marred by widespread violence and a re-escalation of armed conflict that led to the loss of more than 1,500 lives.

His second electoral victory, in 2015, was carried on the back of a broad coalition that later broke apart. The third, in 2020, ended in a violent opposition boycott.

Accusations of constitutional capture by the incumbent have only increased since then. In this way, the otherwise divided political opposition is unanimous in condemning the president’s fourth-term bid.

Ouattara announced his candidacy for a fourth five-year term in office in August 2025. The political opposition has condemned the announcement and the international community has remained silent.

Ouattara and his supporters argue that he is eligible because the 2016 constitutional revision has reset the count and allows him a second term. His opponents insist that the constitutional limit is of one five-year term renewable once, and that Ouattara’s third and fourth-term bids are constitutional coups, which have precedents across the continent.

Undermining democracy

Regardless of the legal reasoning, Ouattara’s fourth-term bid is a loss for democracy at the hands of a politician who, in the run-up to the 2020 election, himself insisted that Ivorian politics was in dire need of a generational change.

In addition to the principle of adhering to a two-term mandate limit, the 2025 election undermines Ivorian democracy because the contest is heavily tilted in the incumbent’s favour. In September, the constitutional council confirmed that the two main opposition candidates, Tidjane Thiam and Pascal Affi N’Guessan, would be excluded from contesting the election on technical grounds.

Thiam is the new leader of the country’s oldest party, the Democratic Party of Ivory Coast – African Democratic Rally (PDCI), and was expected to give Ouattara a run for his money. He was excluded on the grounds that his renouncement of his French citizenship was finalised too late.

N’Guessan inherited the second major opposition party, the Ivorian Popular Front, from the polarising former president Laurent Gbagbo when the latter was indicted at the International Criminal Court in the Hague. This was for his alleged role in crimes against humanity in the wake of the 2010 elections.

Gbagbo, and his long-time collaborator Charles Blé Goudé, were both acquitted of all charges in 2021, and they have both gone on to found new political parties in Côte d’Ivoire, despite being ineligible due to criminal rulings against them in the Ivorian courts.

N’Guessan has been unable to mend the fractures within his party – between Gbagbo-loyal hardliners and his own support base of Ivorian Popular Front moderates – but with Thiam out of the race, he could have been a serious contender. N’Guessan was excluded because he allegedly lacked the number of patron signatures needed to support his candidacy.

Whether these technical knock-outs of the two main opposition candidates were due to negligence on their part or due to bureaucratic foul play by the regime is secondary to the fact that the absence of the two main opposition candidates casts a worrying shadow over the 2025 election.

The political climate is already polarised and rife with conspiracy theories about Ouattara’s corruption and more genuine allegations of his political divisiveness. The amputated political contest only serves to deepen the fault lines between the government and the opposition and spur further voter disillusionment. Such polarisation and disillusionment may also trigger violence, a serious risk in a country where elections are regularly marred by violence.

To complete the autocratic hat-trick, the National Security Council has banned public gatherings, citing concerns over public safety. It seems likely that the authorities were acting preemptively in light of the 2020 election, during which the political opposition called on its supporters to engage in street protests and “civil disobedience”. Those events left at least 83 people dead and 633 people injured in clashes between protesters and security forces and between rivalling communities.

Banning protests may easily backfire as opposition supporters take to the streets anyway. The opposition has called for daily protests during the brief official electoral campaign.

Silence from the international community

Despite this threefold blow to democracy playing out ahead of the 25 October vote, international reactions have been muted at best. Ouattara is a favourite among international partners such as France and the EU. Since coming to power, he has presided over continent-leading economic growth rates large-scale infrastructure investments, and an unlikely victory in the Africa Cup of Nations on home soil.

His popularity in Europe has been further galvanised by the virtual collapse of French influence in its other former colonies. Ouattara is now one of the few west African leaders still pursuing its diplomatic relations with Paris in a “business as usual” manner.

Afraid of rattling anti-French sentiment in yet another former colony, the French government has remained silent on Ouattara’s slow deconstruction of Ivorian democracy. The rest of the EU follows suit, as it has yet to establish a position in the sub-region independent of France’s unspoken leadership.

Both France and the EU are losing further credibility by lending support to Ouattara’s constitutional capture. Accusations of double standards and hypocrisy when insisting on democratic norms are central to the anti-French rhetoric of leaders such as Burkina Faso’s junta leader Ibrahim Traoré. By remaining silent on the slow death of democracy in Côte d’Ivoire, western leaders undermine their own position in the sub-region.

A similar impasse characterises the regional economic community, Ecowas, which is still coming to terms with the withdrawal of the three Sahelian states currently under military rule. With Côte d’Ivoire and Nigeria the most important Ecowas members still insisting on its relevance and credibility, the regional bloc is unlikely to take a strong stand on Ouattara’s fourth-term bid or electoral foul play.

What the future hold

Much is still unknown with regard to Côte d’Ivoire’s upcoming election. Coalitions are forming among the opposition candidates left in the race.

Some of the excluded candidates are joining forces in a “common front” to call for street protests and demand their inclusion on the electoral list. And street protests are growing. More than 200 protestors were arrested on 11 October during a peaceful rally in Abidjan.

While street protests failed to sway the incumbent’s anti-democratic tendencies in 2020, recent events in Madagascar and Kenya indicate that governments ignore the popular appetite for change at their own peril.

Regardless of how the final days of the electoral campaign play out, democracy has already suffered a loss in Côte d’Ivoire. The most pressing question may not be about the outcome of the vote but about the more enduring marks on Ivorian electoral politics.

The incumbent, the opposition and the international community all share a responsibility to pave the way for a peaceful and constitutional transfer to a post-Ouattara era. We hope that democracy can recover, and a younger generation can gain more genuine influence.

The Conversation

Sebastian van Baalen receives funding from the Swedish Research Council (grant VR2020-00914, VR2020-03936, and VR2024-00989. He is a member of the Conflict Research Society steering council, a not-for-profit academic organization.

Jesper Bjarnesen receives funding from the Swedish Research Council (grant VR2024-00989).

ref. Côte d’Ivoire’s elections have already been decided: Outtara will win and democracy will lose – https://theconversation.com/cote-divoires-elections-have-already-been-decided-outtara-will-win-and-democracy-will-lose-267798

Raila Odinga: the Kenyan statesman who championed competitive politics and accountability

Source: The Conversation – Africa (2) – By John Mukum Mbaku, Professor, Weber State University

Raila Amolo Odinga, who died on 15 October 2025, aged 80, ran five times for the Kenyan presidency but didn’t win. Yet he became a statesman of enormous influence, whose political and humanitarian achievements surpassed those of many African heads of state. He will be remembered as one of the most important figures in the struggle for multiparty democracy.

In this, he was like his father, Jaramogi Oginga Odinga – who was the country’s first post-independence vice-president. Oginga was a patriot, a nationalist, and one of a small number of Kenyans who were instrumental in the struggle against colonialism. In 1960, Oginga turned down an opportunistic offer from British colonialists to become Kenya’s first prime minister. He argued that there could not be a meaningful transition to an independent Kenya while the popular Jomo Kenyatta was still imprisoned.

Odinga first captured national attention stage in 1982 when he was linked to a failed coup plot by a group of air force officers. From then on he was in and out of political detention and exile until 1992. He achieved much over the next three decades, but in my view, four things stand out in his rich political legacy:

1. Strong belief in the power of the people

His political career, which lasted over three decades, was driven by a strong belief in the ability of ordinary citizens to determine their own political and economic destiny.

This belief was evidenced by his lifelong support for and defence of multiparty democracy. To this statesman, competitive politics represented the most effective way for ordinary Kenyans to participate in the governing of their country. It was the means by which poor rural farmers, and families eking out a living on the margins of rich industrial centres like Nairobi, could force their governors to be accountable to them and the constitution.

Throughout his political career, Odinga exhibited trust and confidence in the ability of ordinary Kenyans to think for themselves. He extolled their capacity to choose their own leaders and to ensure that these leaders would not act only in their own self-interest.

It’s my argument that Odinga’s political philosophy was shaped and informed by what he learned from his father’s struggles and his own experiences with Kenya’s authoritarian political and opportunistic economic elites. Kenyans cannot and must not forget his eight years of imprisonment under the authoritarian regime of Daniel arap Moi (1982–1991); nor should they underestimate his support for the 2010 constitution, which transformed Kenya into a modern democracy.

2. Entrenching competitive politics

The early 1990s were a time of turmoil, not just in Kenya. Throughout Africa many grassroots movements were fighting for better governance. These included, among others, the anti-apartheid movement in South Africa and the struggle against Nigeria’s brutal military dictatorship. In Kenya, a political movement – in which Odinga would play no small part – was underway to end decades of a repressive single-party system.

Odinga challenged one-party rule and fought for Kenya’s transition to a competitive political system. He saw this as a system in which politicians regularly renew the mandate granted them through free, credible and competitive elections. Through this process, Kenyans have been able to exercise their right to hold their leaders accountable.

The battle was won when arap Moi agreed to the first multi-party election in 1992. But the broader war for democratic governance, political accountability and respect for human rights had only begun. In this, Odinga would play an even bigger part.

It is no accident that he was vilified by a political elite that saw him as an agitator and threat to their political fortunes. Yet, it was that threatening political personality that contributed to the modernisation of political economy in Kenya and the rise of the country as a beacon of democracy in Africa.

3. A new constitution, less political conflict

The brutality that Odinga suffered under the Moi dictatorship shaped his belief in competitive politics, respect for human rights and passion for accountable governance.

This passion placed him at the centre of Kenya’s quest for a new constitution. The quest began in the mid-2000s but crystallised after the 2007-8 post-election violence.

Among other progressive changes, Kenya’s 2010 constitution introduced an independent judiciary. Courts were empowered to peacefully resolve conflicts, including those arising from contested elections. Odinga’s several petitions to the Supreme Court alleging election malpractices have, in my opinion, helped improve, entrench and deepen democracy in the country.

The petitions also gave the judiciary the opportunity to affirm and enhance its independence. Thanks to the reforms made to the independent electoral commission, the 2022 elections were transparent, peaceful and credible. The results were transmitted in record time. The changes in the electoral system made in response to the court’s ruling enhanced the courts’ role in the peaceful resolution of conflict in a democracy.

4. Spirit of political dialogue

Odinga spent more than three decades fighting to bring democracy, pluralism, social justice and peaceful coexistence to a country torn apart by violent ethnic rivalries for scarce resources. He taught Kenyans that, through dialogue and the help of democratic institutions, they could coexist peacefully. They could create a society in which governance and economic development would be people-centred.

Odinga fully understood the nature of democratic competition and peaceful coexistence. Even as a fierce political competitor, Odinga was always willing to seek compromise with his rivals in order to advance the interests of Kenya and Kenyans. This is seen in his decision to shake Kenyatta’s hand in the aftermath of the 2017 election.

Most recently, he surprised Kenyans by seeking reconciliation with President William Ruto after the competitive 2022 election. Observers believe this illustrates Odinga’s political philosophy: in politics, a door never shuts completely.

In a nutshell

Odinga contributed significantly to Kenya’s transformation into a modern democratic state. He was also one of Africa’s most important transformative leaders. A pan-Africanist who saw continental integration as an achievable goal, Odinga believed strongly in self-reliance and the need for Africans to manage their own affairs.

The Conversation

John Mukum Mbaku does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Raila Odinga: the Kenyan statesman who championed competitive politics and accountability – https://theconversation.com/raila-odinga-the-kenyan-statesman-who-championed-competitive-politics-and-accountability-267640

L’Afrique peut réduire ses importations de médicaments en produisant localement les principes actifs

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Cloudius Ray Sagandira, Principal Researcher, Council for Scientific and Industrial Research

L’Afrique supporte une lourde charge en matière de santé. Elle représente 25 % du fardeau mondial des maladies alors qu’elle ne compte que 18 % de la population mondiale.

Cette situation reflète des problèmes profonds : l’accès aux soins, les infrastructures et les conditions socio-économiques sont très insuffisants.

Pourtant, le continent ne produit que 3 % des médicaments mondiaux. Il en importe plus de 70 %. Cela rend les médicaments chers et leur approvisionnement peu fiable, car dépendant des chaînes d’approvisionnement internationales.

La pandémie de COVID-19 a clairement mis en évidence cette vulnérabilité. Les principaux pays exportateurs de médicaments, tels que la Chine et l’Inde, ont imposé des restrictions à l’exportation pour privilégier leurs besoins nationaux. Les fabricants africains se sont alors retrouvés dans l’impossibilité de s’approvisionner en composants et médicaments essentiels. Ce qui a entravé beaucoup d’activités pharmaceutiques locales. Les médicaments essentiels, notamment les antibiotiques, les antipaludiques et les traitements contre le cancer, sont devenus rares.

Le cœur du problème réside dans la dépendance à l’importation des composants pharmaceutiques actifs. Ils sont essentiels et donnent aux médicaments leur efficacité. Sans ces principes actifs, on ne peut pas produire des médicaments.

L’Afrique importe plus de 95 % de ses principes pharmaceutiques actifs, principalement d’Inde et de Chine. Leur importation rend la production locale coûteuse et vulnérable aux prix pratiqués à l’étranger. Cette dépendance a un impact considérable sur l’accès aux médicaments essentiels.

La capécitabine, un médicament utilisé pour traiter certains cancers, en est un exemple. En Afrique du Sud, par exemple, un traitement de six mois à la capécitabine coûte environ 2 200 dollars américains. Ce prix illustre la crise d’accessibilité financière des soins contre le cancer dans toute la région.

La fabrication locale de principes actifs permettrait de réduire les coûts en supprimant les frais d’importation et les retards de livraison. Elle stimulerait également les économies locales en créant des emplois et en encourageant l’innovation.

Je suis chimiste et spécialisé dans le développement de procédés flexibles, peu coûteux et adaptés au contexte africain pour la production de principes actifs pharmaceutiques. Dans une récente étude, mes coauteurs et moi-même avons mis en évidence les avantages et les obstacles liés à la fabrication locale de principes actifs pharmaceutiques sur le continent.

Nous proposons des moyens durables pour mettre en place des capacités de production locales, en utilisant des technologies de fabrication modernes. L’une d’entre elles est la fabrication en flux continu, une méthode de production dans laquelle les médicaments sont fabriqués en flux continu plutôt qu’en lots. Elle permet une production plus rapide, plus sûre et plus régulière, avec moins de déchets et de coûts. Cela pourrait rendre la production africaine plus compétitive et plus durable.

Mais aucune technologie n’est à elle seule la solution. Il faudra combiner les méthodes traditionnelles et modernes, adaptées aux besoins locaux, pour bâtir une industrie pharmaceutique solide.

Certains pays ont déjà commencé à mettre en place ce type de systèmes de fabrication. Toutefois, leur déploiement à grande échelle se heurte encore à plusieurs obstacles. Il s’agit notamment du manque d’infrastructures pilotes, de financements et de main-d’œuvre qualifiée, ainsi que des coûts d’installation élevés.

Des progrès sont en cours

La bonne nouvelle, c’est que la dynamique s’accélère. Plusieurs entreprises africaines sont à la pointe de la production locale d’ingrédients pharmaceutiques. Parmi celles-ci, on peut citer :

  • Emzor Pharmaceuticals et Fidson Healthcare au Nigeria

  • Aspen Pharmacare et Chemical Process Technologies en Afrique du Sud

  • Eva Pharma en Égypte

  • Dei BioPharma en Ouganda.

Les gouvernements du Kenya, du Ghana, de l’Afrique du Sud et du Nigeria investissent également dans des partenariats public-privé pour soutenir cette transition.

Il faut des investissements considérables. Un rapport de la Banque africaine de développement estime que 11 milliards de dollars américains seront nécessaires d’ici 2030 pour financer la croissance de l’industrie pharmaceutique locale en Afrique. Cela inclut la fabrication de principes pharmaceutiques actifs et de vaccins.

Nous avons noté un certain nombre de développements encourageants.

En 2023, Emzor Pharmaceuticals a obtenu 14 millions d’euros de la Banque européenne d’investissement pour créer une usine de fabrication au Nigeria. L’objectif est d’accélérer la production de traitements contre le paludisme.

Le gouvernement sud-africain a récemment soutenu la création de FuturePharma. Il s’agit d’une installation en libre accès au Conseil pour la recherche scientifique et industrielle (CSIR). Son objectif est d’aider les entreprises pharmaceutiques à travers l’Afrique en leur fournissant des services de recherche, de soutien au développement et de formation de la main-d’œuvre. Il s’agit également d’un investissement visant à réduire les risques liés à la fabrication moderne de principes actifs pharmaceutiques.

En outre, les instituts de recherche et les universités sont à la pointe de la recherche et du développement dans le domaine de la fabrication en flux continu. Leurs travaux se concentrent sur l’adaptation de la technologie afin de rendre la production plus rentable, durable et viable au niveau local.

L’objectif est de créer un continent où chaque pays peut produire ses propres médicaments à un prix abordable et réagir rapidement aux crises sanitaires. Il s’agit également de développer une industrie pharmaceutique florissante.

Grâce à des partenariats croissants, à de nouvelles technologies et à des investissements en hausse, cet avenir est à portée de main.

Mais il existe des obstacles. L’Afrique importe encore la plupart des matières premières nécessaires à la fabrication des composants. Cela rend la production locale coûteuse et vulnérable aux prix fixés à l’étranger.

Le manque de personnel qualifié, la difficulté d’accès au financement et la vétusté des infrastructures freinent également les progrès.

Relever les défis

Pour surmonter ces obstacles, il faut :

  • investir dans la production locale de matières premières

  • offrir des allégements fiscaux et des subventions

  • améliorer l’approvisionnement en électricité

  • développer les programmes de formation.

Le développement des compétences est encouragé par diverses initiatives. Citons par exemple le Programme de développement de la main-d’œuvre du Conseil pour la recherche scientifique et industrielle et la bourse African STARS (Science, Technology and Research Scholars). Pilotés par l’université de Stellenbosch et l’Institut Pasteur de Dakar, ils contribuent à former une main-d’œuvre pharmaceutique qualifiée à travers l’Afrique.

Ces initiatives proposent des formations techniques et en leadership sur mesure. Elles permettent aux jeunes scientifiques issus du monde universitaire et de l’industrie de promouvoir une production locale durable et réactive de médicaments et de vaccins.

The Conversation

Cloudius Ray Sagandira bénéficie d’un financement de la Fondation nationale pour la recherche et du Conseil pour la recherche scientifique et industrielle.

ref. L’Afrique peut réduire ses importations de médicaments en produisant localement les principes actifs – https://theconversation.com/lafrique-peut-reduire-ses-importations-de-medicaments-en-produisant-localement-les-principes-actifs-267458

Compuestos tóxicos en los productos menstruales: esto es lo que sabemos

Source: The Conversation – (in Spanish) – By Lara Cioni, Investigadora Postdoctoral, Instituto de Diagnóstico Ambiental y Estudios del Agua (IDAEA – CSIC)

FabrikaSimf/Shutterstock

La menstruación es un proceso fisiológico fundamental que experimenta aproximadamente la mitad de la población mundial y la Organización Mundial para la Salud (OMS) reconoce la salud menstrual como un derecho humano fundamental. En este sentido, los productos menstruales resultan esenciales para garantizar la higiene, reducir el riesgo de infecciones y facilitar la participación plena de las personas que menstrúan en la educación y el trabajo, contribuyendo así a la igualdad de género.

Los artículos actuales son más seguros en comparación con décadas pasadas, cuando algunos causaban problemas de salud muy graves. En los años 80, se descubrieron más de 800 casos de síndrome de shock tóxico (20 de ellos acabaron en fallecimientos), asociados al uso de algunos tampones superabsorbentes que facilitaban graves infecciones bacterianas. Este fenómeno generó una gran alarma pública y llevó a cambios en la composición y regulaciones más estrictas.

Actualmente, existen muchos tipos de productos menstruales en el mercado, tanto de un solo uso (compresas, tampones y salvaslips) como reutilizables (bragas menstruales, compresas reutilizables y bragas menstruales).

Los artículos más ampliamente utilizados en España son los desechables (un 61 % de las personas que menstrúan utilizan compresas, un 50 % salvaslips, un 43 % tampones, un 48 % copa menstrual, un 15 % compresas de tela y un 9 % bragas menstruales) y a lo largo de su vida, un individuo puede utilizar más de 10 000. Ante este dato y el resultante impacto ambiental, muchas personas, sobre todo las más jóvenes, están optando por alternativas reutilizables.

Compuestos químicos tóxicos en productos menstruales

Cuando se habla de la seguridad y el impacto ambiental de estos productos, un tema que aún no se discute lo suficiente es la presencia de compuestos químicos tóxicos en ellos. Algunos estudios recientes han detectado, por ejemplo, compuestos perfluorados (PFAS), dioxinas, pesticidas y ftalatos.

Ejemplos de productos menstruales analizados en el estudio. De izquierda a derecha: compresa, tampón, salvaslip, copa menstrual, compresa de tela y braga menstrual.
Las autoras, CC BY-NC-SA

En nuestro estudio, publicado recientemente en Environmental Science and Technology, hemos analizado tres familias de plastificantes de preocupación para la salud humana, ftalatos, ésteres organofosforados y plastificantes alternativos, en productos menstruales del mercado estatal de España.

Hemos detectado estas tres clases de compuestos tanto en artículos de un solo uso (compresas, salvaslips y tampones) como en aquellos reutilizables (bragas menstruales, compresas de tela y copas menstruales).

Hay que destacar que todos los productos analizados tenían niveles detectables de algunos de estos compuestos, demostrando que este es un problema general y no de una marca en concreto.

Los niveles más altos de ftalatos y ésteres organofosforados se han encontrado en bragas menstruales y compresas de tela (niveles de hasta 1 152 µg/producto de ftalatos y hasta 96,5 µg/producto de ésteres organofosforados), ya que algunas de estas sustancias se utilizan ampliamente en la fabricación de fibras sintéticas y para lograr la impermeabilidad de los textiles.

En cambio, los niveles más altos de plastificantes alternativos se han encontrado en compresas y salvaslips (niveles de hasta 60,7 µg/producto), que suelen tener una o más capas hechas de material plástico que necesita de estos aditivos para ser flexible.




Leer más:
La contaminación química del plástico, una amenaza silenciosa


Impacto ambiental

Además, analizamos los envoltorios de los productos de un solo uso, en los que también detectamos varios plastificantes. Estos compuestos químicos se pueden liberar al medio ambiente durante el lavado de los productos reutilizables o al desechar los de un solo uso.

Según nuestros resultados, las compresas, los salvaslips y los tampones son los artículos con mayor impacto ambiental, en parte debido a los altos niveles encontrados en sus envoltorios (niveles totales de plastificantes de hasta 90,7 µg/producto), pero también debido a la presencia de estos plastificantes en los propios productos.

Este mayor impacto también se debe al hecho de que una persona puede llegar a emplear más de 300 de estos productos desechables en un año, mientras que cada producto reutilizable se puede usar muchas veces y puede durar hasta 5-10 años. La copa menstrual, en cambio, ha presentado el menor impacto ambiental.

La liberación de plastificantes preocupa, ya que contaminan los ecosistemas terrestres y acuáticos. Una vez en el medio, estos plastificantes pueden acumularse en los seres vivos y provocarles efectos nocivos. Asimismo, esta contaminación también acaba afectando a los seres humanos, por ejemplo, cuando ingerimos alimentos contaminados, como el pescado.




Leer más:
Los aditivos tóxicos del plástico que ingerimos a través de los alimentos


Efectos en la salud humana

La presencia de plastificantes en productos menstruales no solo plantea un problema ambiental, sino que también puede afectar a nuestra salud. Muchos estudios han demostrado que la exposición diaria y continuada a pequeñas dosis de algunos ftalatos y algunos ésteres organofosforados puede tener efectos dañinos sobre la salud humana, como disrupción endocrina (disfunciones hormonales), alteraciones en el sistema inmunitario y cáncer. Para los plastificantes alternativos la información es más limitada, ya que su uso masivo es reciente, pero los primeros estudios están evidenciando que también podrían tener propiedades tóxicas.

Los productos menstruales se utilizan en contacto directo con la piel y la piel de la vulva y la vagina tiene una capacidad de absorber pequeñas moléculas, como los plastificantes, más alta que en otras zonas de nuestro cuerpo.

Si consideramos el peor caso posible, o sea que todo el contenido de plastificantes en los productos menstruales se absorbiese a través de la piel, algunos productos podrían ser una fuente significativa de exposición a plastificantes. Al comparar nuestras estimaciones de exposición (asumiendo el peor caso posible y que los niveles de aditivos plásticos en los productos reutilizables no bajen con el lavado) con valores de referencia seguros establecidos por la Agencia de Protección Ambiental de Estados Unidos, hemos encontrado que el uso de tres de las 10 compresas analizadas, tres de los ocho salvaslips analizados y dos de las cuatro compresas de tela analizadas, podría suponer un riesgo para la salud humana.

La exposición por contacto dérmico

Es importante remarcar que este resultado de evaluación del riesgo no es definitivo. Nuestra estimación del riesgo está basada en el caso más extremo posible, que probablemente sea muy diferente del caso real. Estudios preliminares apuntan a que la cantidad de plastificantes presentes en un material que finalmente pasa por contacto dérmico a nuestra piel puede variar entre 6 y 97 % dependiendo del plastificante y del material.

Pero nuestro trabajo pone en evidencia una falta de información importante: todavía no existen estudios sobre cómo se absorben estos compuestos a través de la piel de la vulva y de la vagina. Avanzar en este conocimiento es clave para poder evaluar de manera fiable los riesgos asociados al uso de productos menstruales y garantizar su seguridad.

Todavía sabemos muy poco sobre la composición química de los productos menstruales, a pesar de que forman parte de la vida cotidiana de millones de personas. La falta de investigación en este ámbito se suma a la ausencia de una regulación específica que limite el uso de sustancias tóxicas en ellos y la falta de una obligación legal de informar de la presencia de todos los compuestos químicos en las etiquetas de los artículos que se comercializan. Si además tenemos en cuenta que muchas personas eligen sus productos menstruales en base a su huella ambiental, conocer mejor su composición química es clave para tomar decisiones informadas.

The Conversation

Lara Cioni recibe fondos de la Union Europea (Marie Skłodowska-Curie Postdoctoral Fellowship – grant agreement: 101198272)

Ethel Eljarrat no recibe salario, ni ejerce labores de consultoría, ni posee acciones, ni recibe financiación de ninguna compañía u organización que pueda obtener beneficio de este artículo, y ha declarado carecer de vínculos relevantes más allá del cargo académico citado.

ref. Compuestos tóxicos en los productos menstruales: esto es lo que sabemos – https://theconversation.com/compuestos-toxicos-en-los-productos-menstruales-esto-es-lo-que-sabemos-267928

Le couple Toumanov : une page de la guerre froide qui a des échos aujourd’hui

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Cécile Vaissié, Professeure des universités en études russes et soviétiques, Université de Rennes 2, chercheuse au CERCLE (Université de Lorraine), Université Rennes 2

La salle des bobines dans les locaux de Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty à Munich (Allemagne), où les émissions provenant des pays communistes étaient enregistrées et examinées par le personnel de la radio (1976).
RFE/RL

Durant la guerre froide, de nombreux Soviétiques captaient en cachette Radio Liberty, une station financée par les États-Unis et dont le QG se trouvait à Munich (alors en République fédérale d’Allemagne). Ils y écoutaient des dissidents originaires d’URSS qui leur faisaient connaître des informations inaccessibles dans leurs médias nationaux du fait de la censure. L’un de ces journalistes était Oleg Toumanov. Son épouse, Eta, enseignait le russe à des militaires américains. Mais Oleg – de même, très probablement, qu’Eta – travaillait en réalité pour le KGB…


Les histoires d’espions ont pour intérêt majeur non tant d’établir des faits – tout le monde y ment, ou à peu près – que de susciter des questions, celles-ci aidant à décrypter d’autres cas, plus contemporains.

Très révélateurs, les parcours d’Oleg Toumanov et de son épouse ont été rappelés lors d’une exposition intitulée « Des Voix de Munich dans la Guerre froide », organisée au musée municipal de Munich du 30 septembre 2022 au 5 mars 2023 et consacrée aux radios occidentales Radio Free Europe (RFE)/Radio Liberty (RL).

Oleg Toumanov (1944-1997) travaillait pour Radio Liberté (RL), mais aussi pour le KGB. Quant à son épouse… la question reste complexe.

Radio Liberté, l’une des radios occidentales émettant vers l’URSS

La guerre froide avait à peine commencé quand les États-Unis ont créé deux radios basées à Munich : Radio Free Europe (RFE), qui, dès 1950, émettait vers les pays d’Europe centrale contrôlés par l’URSS ; et Radio Liberty qui visait l’URSS et qui, lancée le 1er mars 1953 sous le nom de Radio Liberation from Bolshevism, est devenue, en 1956, Radio Liberation, puis, en 1959, Radio Liberté (RL). Ses programmes, comme ceux de RFE, étaient diffusés dans les langues des auditeurs potentiels.

Aujourd’hui, nous parlerions de « guerre des narratifs » : il s’agissait de faire parvenir aux sociétés dites « de l’Est » des informations sur l’Occident, mais aussi sur leurs propres pays, par exemple en lisant à l’antenne des textes de dissidents, et d’accompagner le tout d’éléments des cultures occidentales et dissidentes.

Les États-Unis considéraient pouvoir ainsi fragiliser l’URSS, et celle-ci a d’ailleurs brouillé RL dès ses débuts. Pour Mark Pomar, qui y a été employé, RL et RFE étaient l’expression d’émigrés souhaitant représenter leur pays tel qu’il serait sans les communistes, alors que Voice of America, apparue en février 1947, était, elle, conçue comme la voix officielle des États-Unis ; Radio Liberté était donc, aux yeux de Pomar, « une radio entièrement russe qui se trouvait être à Munich », mais dont les financements venaient de la CIA jusqu’en 1971, puis du budget américain.

Oleg Toumanov, une belle carrière chez Radio Liberté

Oleg Toumanov qui, en 1993, publiera des « souvenirs » en anglais sous le titre Confessions d’un agent du KGB, a travaillé à Radio Liberté pendant vingt ans.

Né à Moscou en 1944, il rejoint en 1963 la flotte soviétique. En novembre 1965, il quitte son bateau à la nage près des côtes libyennes ; une fois à terre, il déclare vouloir être transféré chez les Occidentaux. Le 5 décembre 1965, un avion américain le conduit en RFA, dans un centre américain pour réfugiés : il y est interrogé, y compris avec l’aide d’un détecteur de mensonges. Le 14 avril 1966, il obtient l’autorisation de résider en permanence en Allemagne. Peu après, et non sans avoir subi de nouveaux tests, il est recruté par Radio Liberté.

Sa carrière y est spectaculaire : engagé au département « nouvelles » du service russe, Toumanov intervient assez vite à l’antenne et signe, dès 1967, un contrat à vie avec RL. Quelques années plus tard, il est nommé rédacteur en chef du service russe : le plus haut poste que puisse décrocher un non-Américain.

Montage comprenant la carte de presse de Toumanov et sa photo.
Cold War Convsersations, site du podcast consacré à la guerre de l’historien Ian Sanders

Mais Toumanov disparaît le 26 février 1986. Il réapparaît à Moscou le 28 avril, lors d’une conférence de presse organisée par le ministère soviétique des Affaires étrangères, et dénonce les liens de RL avec la CIA. Par la suite, il expliquera avoir risqué d’être démasqué, suite à la défection de deux officiers du KGB. Avec l’aval de celui-ci, il a donc rejoint Berlin-Est et y a été débriefé, avant de prendre l’avion pour Moscou. Gorbatchev, au pouvoir en URSS depuis un an, vient de lancer la perestroïka.

Un parcours en questions

Ce parcours suscite bien des questions. L’une porte sur le moment où Toumanov a été recruté par les services soviétiques : sa « fuite d’URSS » était-elle une opération programmée par ceux-ci, comme Toumanov l’affirmera dans ses mémoires ? Ou, comme le croiront certains de ses collègues de RL, le jeune homme a-t-il été recruté alors qu’il se trouvait déjà en Occident ?

En outre, de quelles missions était-il chargé ? Il devait, écrira-t-il, infiltrer les cercles d’émigrés, et aurait transmis à ses officiers traitants – qu’il rencontrait à Berlin-Est, Vienne et Helsinki, mais jamais en RFA – des informations sur les employés de Radio Liberté. Il se chuchote aussi que, grâce à des documents transmis par Toumanov, l’URSS aurait découvert qu’une taupe travaillait pour les Américains dans les plus hauts cercles du PCUS.

Documentaire « Prague au service de Moscou : dans les secrets de la guerre froide », Andrea Sedláčková, 2024.

L’ancien marin aurait également joué un rôle clé dans une opération conçue pour désinformer l’Occident. En revanche, Toumanov n’était sans doute pas chargé d’infléchir la rhétorique de Radio Liberté : passer pour un adversaire féroce du pouvoir soviétique était l’une des conditions de son poste…

S’agissait-il d’un cas isolé ? Non. Des documents désormais accessibles montrent que RL était « l’une des principales cibles » des services secrets de l’Est. La « guerre des narratifs » était au cœur, aussi, de la guerre froide.

L’épouse de Toumanov, Eta-Svetlana Katz-Toumanov

Toumanov a épousé, en 1978, Eta Katz (ou Drits), qu’il avait rencontrée quinze jours plus tôt à Londres.

Photo prise à Munich d’Eta et Oleg Toumanov, peu après leur mariage.
Compte Facebook d’Eta Toumanov (Svetlana Tumanova)

Dans une interview d’avril 2023, elle dira être née en 1959 à Riga et venir d’une « famille juive dissidente » qui souhaitait émigrer, ce qui était alors « presque impossible ». Mais, en 1970, une dizaine de personnes, juives pour la plupart et regroupées autour d’Edouard Kouznetsov, tentent de détourner un avion pour partir en Israël. Leur tentative ratée et leur procès suscitent une importante mobilisation internationale : le combat des Juifs pour quitter l’URSS devient mondialement connu. Dans ce contexte, les Katz peuvent émigrer en juin 1971, et Eta elle-même parlera de « miracle ». À Londres, à seize ans, elle commence à travailler comme secrétaire pour le service russe de la BBC.

Trois ans plus tard, elle rencontre Toumanov et le suit à Munich. Il lui aurait révélé, une ou deux semaines plus tard, qu’il travaillait pour le KGB. La jeune femme aurait été horrifiée, mais les deux postes qu’elle a par la suite occupés font douter de l’authenticité de ce « choc ». D’abord, elle enseigne le russe dans un institut de l’Armée américaine, et ses étudiants sont des officiers américains qui se préparent à des missions en URSS. Puis, en 1982, suite à une proposition d’un cadre de Radio Liberté, elle devient l’assistante du directeur de cet institut et travaille dans la base américaine.

Roman graphique, exposition « Stimmen aus München im Kalten Krieg » (« Voix de Munich pendant la guerre froide »), Münchner Stadtmuseum, vue le 3 mars 2023.
Fourni par l’auteur

Cette planche montre le moment où Alexander, le chef d’Oleg à Radio Liberté, propose à Eta de travailler comme assistante du directeur de l’institut de langues, avec un accès à des informations secrètes. Eta y est présentée comme une jeune mère qui hésite à accepter un tel poste.

Pour les rédacteurs de l’exposition de Munich, « les employeurs américains de son mari escomptaient qu’Eta Toumanov travaillerait pour eux », ce qui n’est pas impossible.

Fiche biographique sur Eta Toumanov, présentée dans le cadre de l’exposition.
Fourni par l’auteur

Les questions que pose ce mariage

De nouvelles questions se posent donc. Est-il imaginable qu’Eta Toumanov ait occupé ses deux postes en Bavière sans collaborer avec les services secrets soviétiques, ainsi que le prétend son mari dans ses « souvenirs » ? Non. D’ailleurs, elle-même reconnaît aujourd’hui cette collaboration, même si elle déclare y avoir été « forcée » par son mariage.

Quelles informations a-t-elle alors transmises ? D’après ce qu’elle a confié à un journal israélien, il s’agissait de renseignements sur les emplacements, les mouvements et les armements des troupes américaines, et de nombreux détails personnels sur ses étudiants américains. A-t-elle aussi cherché à recruter certains d’entre eux ? À les influencer ? Et si Eta avait travaillé pour le KGB, ou pour d’autres services, avant même sa rencontre avec Toumanov ? Elle le nie.

Comme d’autres cas l’indiquent, l’Union soviétique a infiltré ses collaborateurs dans toutes les vagues d’émigration et a recruté des agents dans chacune de ces vagues. Et le parcours d’Eta, comme celui de son mari, semble ridiculiser le travail des services secrets occidentaux – en l’occurrence, américains et allemands – chargés de repérer, parmi les émigrés, ceux liés au KGB. Arrêtée en 1987 par la police allemande, Eta Toumanov est emprisonnée – six mois, selon elle ; plus de neuf, à en croire son mari. Accusée d’avoir travaillé pour le GRU, les services secrets militaires soviétiques, elle n’est condamnée qu’à cinq ans de probation.

Svetlana Toumanov à Moscou

En 1993, Eta Toumanov quitte Munich pour Moscou, prend la citoyenneté russe et adopte le prénom de Svetlana. En 2025, elle vit toujours dans la capitale russe où Poutine, soi-disant croisé en RDA, lui aurait fait attribuer un appartement. Sur sa page Facebook, elle se présente comme « retraitée des services de renseignement extérieur de la Fédération de Russie » et proclame, le 16 septembre 2023, sa « fierté » d’être l’une des cinq personnes dont les parcours sont mis en valeur dans l’exposition de Munich.

Elle poste de nombreuses photos, prises lors de mondanités ou de cérémonies, souvent en compagnie de descendants de « légendaires agents secrets » soviétiques, hauts gradés, voire tueurs, du NKVD, comme ici lors d’un hommage sur les tombes de ces agents secrets, hommage auquel participent, entre autres, la petite-fille de Pavel Soudoplatov, ainsi que le fils et la fille de Naum Eitingon avec leurs enfants et petits-enfants ; ou lors d’une soirée avec l’un des membres de la famille de Félix Dzerjinski, le créateur de la Tchéka. Mais le 22 décembre 2024, elle rend aussi hommage à Edouard Kouznetsov, qui vient de mourir.

Radio Liberté aujourd’hui

Après le coup raté d’août 1991, Eltsine a autorisé RFE/RL à ouvrir un bureau à Moscou. Quatre ans plus tard, ces radios ont quitté Munich pour Prague. La guerre froide était, soi-disant, terminée.

Toumanov est mort en octobre 1997 à Moscou et y a été enterré avec les honneurs militaires.

Radio Liberté a été parmi les premiers médias à être déclarés « agents de l’étranger » par les autorités russes en décembre 2017 et ses correspondants ont quitté la Russie en mars 2022, deux semaines après l’attaque russe de l’Ukraine.

Le 14 mars 2025, Donald Trump a appelé à réduire au maximum légal les financements de l’US Agency for Global Media (USAGM) et des radios à l’étranger. RFE et RL continuent néanmoins d’émettre et de publier, tout en combattant cette décision en justice.

The Conversation

Cécile Vaissié ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. Le couple Toumanov : une page de la guerre froide qui a des échos aujourd’hui – https://theconversation.com/le-couple-toumanov-une-page-de-la-guerre-froide-qui-a-des-echos-aujourdhui-265038