Treaty 4 brings up hard questions like how did ‘Crown land’ come to be?

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Ken Wilson, Assistant Professor, Department of English and Creative Writing, University of Regina

In my recently published book, Walking the Bypass: Notes on Place from the Side of the Road, I describe standing beside the Regina Bypass, a new (and politically controversial) highway around Saskatchewan’s capital, asking myself how settlers came to own the land that stretched to the horizon in all directions.

Canadian courts have generally treated the numbered treaties as land cessions, though they also recognize them as solemn agreements requiring honourable interpretation.

I recalled what the late Stó:lō Elder Lee Maracle wrote in My Conversations With Canadians: settlers like me rarely get curious about “how the shift from Indigenous authority over the land to Canadian authority over the land occurred.”

I decided to get curious, and what I learned surprised me.

The official story: Surrender

Regina is in Treaty 4 territory. In September 1874, treaty commissioners representing the Crown negotiated that treaty with Cree, Saulteaux and Nakoda chiefs at Fort Qu’Appelle, now a town east of Regina, but then a Hudson’s Bay Co. trading post.

What Treaty 4 means depends on whose story you believe. The federal government tells one story; First Nations treaty Elders and legal scholars tell another. Those stories offer radically different versions of that treaty.

According to the federal government, First Nations surrendered their title to the land through the historical numbered treaties, including Treaty 4. That interpretation depends on the words of the treaty document: First Nations “do hereby cede, release, surrender and yield up” their land.

There’s a problem, however. As historian Sheldon Krasowski points out in No Surrender: The Land Remains Indigenous, there’s no evidence those words were mentioned by the treaty commissioners during the negotiations, or that their translator, Charles Pratt, a Cree-Nakoda catechist who often translated for Anglican missionaries, would have been able to convey the treaty’s legalese into the chiefs’ languages.

When pioneering Cree lawyer Harold Cardinal and historian Walter Hildebrandt explained the meaning of what’s come to be known as the “surrender clause” to First Nations Treaty Elders, those Elders were incredulous that anyone would think the chiefs would have agreed to give up their rights to the land. Elder Kay Thompson (Treaty 4) told Cardinal and Hildebrandt:

“We never gave it up; we never surrendered anything.”

If that interpretation is wrong, then Canada’s legal claim to much of the land west of Ontario rests on uncertain ground.

A different account of Treaty 4

If the so-called “surrender clause” wasn’t interpreted, and if contemporary Treaty Elders say no surrender of land took place, then the federal government’s story about the treaties doesn’t make much sense. And, if there was no surrender of land, then what gave the federal government the right to survey, sell or give away to settlers everything outside of reserves?

How did the notion of “Crown land” come about? How did the shift in authority that Edler Maracle describes happen?

First Nations legal scholars and Elders offer a completely different account of Treaty 4 and the other historical treaties: they were about sharing the land and establishing an ongoing relationship with settlers.

The most important speech of the Treaty 4 negotiations, the one that brought the talks to a conclusion, was made by Chief Loud Voice on the last day of the discussions. He said:

“Let us join together and make the treaty; when both join together it is very good.”

Those words suggest a desire to create a relationship with the newcomers to the Plains, not a surrender of land. Contemporary Indigenous legal scholars agree with this interpretation.

In Two Families: Treaties and Government, writer and lawyer Harold Johnson argues that the treaties represent sacred ceremonies in which First Nations adopted settlers as their kin. That’s why the Elder he consulted suggested he use the Cree word kiciwâminawak — “our cousins” — to refer to settlers.

For Johnson, the key element of the negotiations was the Sacred Pipe Ceremony, which solemnized that adoption, not the treaty document. “The paper at treaty was ancillary to ceremony,” he explains. “My ancestors recognized your paper as your ceremony and participated so as not to offend.”

Ceremony, not paper, constituted the agreement.

What if the story isn’t true?

Interpreting Treaty 4, like the other historical treaties, as a sharing agreement rather than a surrender of land raises profound questions. How did so much land in Saskatchewan, as in other parts of Canada, come to belong to settlers?

This disagreement is not simply about history; it is about what counts as law.

In Saskatchewan, as elsewhere, reserves are a tiny part of the total area. The rest belongs to the Crown or has been sold or given to settlers.

How can that situation be considered sharing? How did the Crown come to possess the land? On what basis was the land sold or given away? Is our title to the land the product of a story that simply isn’t true? Did that shift from Indigenous to Canadian authority happen through a misunderstanding, at best, or trickery, at worst?

These two interpretations aren’t just trivia. The unsettling questions they raise block genuine reconciliation today because the official interpretation relies on a version of the treaty that partners reject. Thinking about those questions, and discussing them with Indigenous Peoples, won’t be easy for settlers, but it needs to happen.

As Dallas Hunt and Gina Starblanket, Cree authors and advocates for Indigenous thoughts, point out:

“Treaty is work; it takes labour to be in relationship with other people.”

Are we settlers ready for that work? The first step might be reconsidering which story about the treaties we believe.

The Conversation

Ken Wilson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Treaty 4 brings up hard questions like how did ‘Crown land’ come to be? – https://theconversation.com/treaty-4-brings-up-hard-questions-like-how-did-crown-land-come-to-be-270036

‘Life is a Miracle,’ but learning from disasters isn’t: Lessons from Japan’s 2011 earthquake and tsunami

Source: The Conversation – Canada – By Fatma Ozdogan, PhD Candidate & Researcher, School of Architecture, Université de Montréal

In April 2012, a Harley-Davidson motorcycle was found on Graham Island in the Haida Gwaii archipelago off the coast of British Columbia. It belonged to Ikuo Yokoyama, a survivor of the earthquake and tsunami that struck northeastern Japan a year earlier, in March 2011. Yokoyama lost his home and three family members.

This year marks the 15th anniversary of the earthquake.

On March 11, 2011 a magnitude-9.0 earthquake occurred off Japan’s northeastern coast. It triggered a tsunami that devastated coastal communities and caused significant damage to the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power plant.

Almost 20,000 people were killed, and economic losses exceeded US$235 billion. Fifteen years later, the disaster remains a reference point in public debate because of the unprecedented damage, and because of the long-term questions it raised about risk, responsibility and preparedness.

Yokoyama’s motorcycle has since become part of a memorial culture dedicated to the 2011 disaster. After receiving offers to have it returned, Yokoyama decided that the motorcycle should be exhibited at the Harley-Davidson Museum in Milwaukee, where it still stands today as a memorial to those whose lives were affected by the disaster.

The limitations of infrastructure become visible not only in moments of failure, but also in what survives and circulates afterward. And in Japan, the motorcycle has become part of a broader conversation about what remains after catastrophes, along with other objects swept away by the tsunami and later discovered in different parts of the world.

Importance of risk awareness

Japan has long been widely regarded as a global leader in disaster risk reduction. Advanced seismic engineering standards, earthquake-resistant buildings, extensive early warning systems and massive coastal defences such as seawalls and floodgates have been designed to protect the disaster-prone country.

Reconstruction in tsunami-affected areas involved major planning decisions. In many communities, neighbourhoods were relocated to higher ground or further inland, changing multi-generational settlement patterns.

New residential areas were developed in highland areas, while some low-lying coastal zones were converted to green buffers, agricultural land or designated memorial spaces.

Yet, as the tsunami showed, physical infrastructure alone cannot eliminate risk. People’s risk awareness, preparedness and willingness to act swiftly — often informed by local knowledge and disaster education — also play decisive roles in preventing the loss of life.

This understanding directly shaped Life is a Miracle, an initiative launched in Yamamoto, a coastal town severely affected by the tsunami.

During our field research on disaster memory practices in the Tohoku region, we visited the project’s exhibition space and spoke with people involved in documenting the disaster’s legacy.

By using Yokoyama’s motorcycle as an example, it highlights how life itself is fragile and valuable, and how tsunami survival is shaped by warning systems, evacuation infrastructure, land-use decisions, housing location and institutional choices made well before a disaster occurs.

The motorcycle’s journey gained meaning in a country where major catastrophes are integrated into public life. Recurrent earthquakes and tsunamis, along with fires and wartime destruction, have shaped not only city planning policy but also disaster education and commemoration. Across these histories, memory in Japan serves a practical purpose, linking past events to present awareness and future responsibility.

Life is a Miracle puts this claim into practice through clothing bearing its name, each individually numbered and linked to dialogue-based activities that document experiences of loss, displacement and rebuilding and emphasize disaster preparedness. These items prompt conversation in everyday settings. The motorcycle acts as a tangible entry point for reflection on disaster preparedness and memory.

Memory infrastructure

Across the Tohoku region most affected by the tsunami, memorial museums, monuments and preserved school buildings present detailed accounts of evacuation decisions and reconstruction processes. These sites anchor memory in place. Visitors encounter physical traces of the disaster alongside guided tours intended to encourage disaster preparation and reduce future loss.

The 3.11 Densho Road project connects many of these memorial sites through a regional network, mapping their locations across northeastern Japan and sharing information about disaster memory sites and relevant workshops, guided tours and disaster educational programs. More than 300 such sites are registered today.

At the national level, the NIPPON Disaster Prevention Assets framework, launched in 2024 by Japan’s government, certifies facilities and activities that convey past disaster experiences and lessons in accessible ways.

Memorial museums, preserved disaster sites and initiatives such as storyteller programs, disaster-prevention tours and public events can receive this designation after review by an expert committee. The program aims to encourage residents to treat disaster risk as a personal responsibility, motivating people to understand hazards in their communities and take proactive evacuation and preparedness actions.

Yet sustaining disaster memory in Japan also depends on individual and community efforts. Kataribe, survivor-storytellers who share their experiences with visitors and younger generations, play a vital role in this process. Their accounts convey emotion, hesitation and decision-making under pressure in ways that curated exhibitions cannot fully reproduce.

The Life is a Miracle project is part of a larger network of memory infrastructure in Japan. It is one node in a system that treats the remnants of disasters as tools for education and raising awareness. Memory sites enable discussions about disaster risks and preparedness. By sharing experiences and lessons learned, as well as healing for those affected, they make a constant dialogue possible.

Countries around the world face increasing exposure to floods, wildfires and extreme weather. Physical recovery after disasters is often accompanied by public attention that fades within months.

The Japanese case shows how sustaining lessons requires infrastructure. A well-organized memory culture can help keep conversations going years later and integrate valuable lessons into educational and policy frameworks.

Life is indeed a miracle. Whether societies learn from disasters, however, depends on deliberate choices about how experience is translated into enduring practices.

The Conversation

Fatma Özdoğan received funding from Mitacs Inc. through the Mitacs Globalink Research Award to support her research visit at the International Research Institute of Disaster Science (IRIDeS), Tohoku University. The research presented in this article was conducted in the context of that funded research visit.

Elizabeth Maly has received research funding from the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science
(JSPS) and the Disaster Resilience Co-creation Center, IRIDeS, Tohoku University.

Julia Gerster receives funding from JSPS, the Uehiro Foundation on ethics and education, and the Disaster Resilience Co-creation Center, IRIDeS, Tohoku University.

ref. ‘Life is a Miracle,’ but learning from disasters isn’t: Lessons from Japan’s 2011 earthquake and tsunami – https://theconversation.com/life-is-a-miracle-but-learning-from-disasters-isnt-lessons-from-japans-2011-earthquake-and-tsunami-276985

Astrophysicists trace the origin of valuable metals in space, from colliding stars to merging galaxies

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Simone Dichiara, Assistant Research Professor of Astrophysics, Penn State

This artist’s impression shows two tiny but very dense neutron stars at the point at which they merge and explode. ESO/L. Calçada/M. Kornmesser, CC BY

Billions of light years away in a remote part of the universe, two neutron stars – the ultradense remnants of dead stars – collided. The catastropic cosmic event sent light and particles, including a sudden flash of gamma rays, streaming through the universe. These gamma rays traveled for 8.5 billion years before reaching Earth.

In a new study, our team of astrophysicists examined this gamma-ray signal. We learned that the stellar collision it came from was likely caused by an even more catastrophic encounter – a merger between two galaxies.

An illustration of a galaxy merger, with a bright spot in the center pulling in smaller sources of light.
An illustration shows a galaxy merger, an event that leads to star collisions and the creation of valuable metals.
Fortuna, Dichiara/ERC BHianca 2026, CC BY-NC-SA 4.0, CC BY-SA

This is the first time astronomers associated this type of signal with such a large-scale galactic interaction. Our finding offers new insight into how stellar collisions spread metals across the universe.

Why it matters

When two neutron stars orbit each other and finally collide – a system called a binary neutron star merger – they produce the most powerful explosions in the universe. They release intense flashes of gamma rays, which astronomers call short gamma-ray bursts. They can release as much energy as our Sun will produce over its entire lifetime in less than a couple of seconds.

In binary neutron star mergers, two dense neutron stars orbit together and eventually collide. In the process, they send out bursts of gamma rays.

These collisions can also eject debris pieces into space, which may create new radioactive elements when they collide. Many valuable elements, including gold and platinum, are forged in these mergers.

What makes the particular event, known as GRB 230906A, extraordinary is where it happened. Using NASA’s Chandra X-ray Observatory and the Hubble Space Telescope, we pinpointed the location of the explosion and identified its host galaxy as one of the faintest galaxies ever associated with a short GRB.

Observations obtained by the Very Large Telescope in Chile revealed that the burst occurred within a tangled system of interacting galaxies. Streams of stars and gas, torn out by past galactic encounters, stretched across the region. The gamma-ray burst lies directly within one of these tidal streams, suggesting it took place inside a tiny dwarf galaxy formed from the material stripped away from its host during a galaxy collision.

Four telescope units on a concrete platform.
The Very Large Telescope in the Atacama Desert in Chile.
ESO/H.H.Heyer, CC BY

This is the first time that a binary neutron star merger has been linked to such an environment. This discovery reveals new homes for these cosmic collisions and shows they don’t just happen in big galaxies. It points to a new path for spreading heavy metals where we least expect them.

Our study traces the origin of these neutron star mergers back to the slow and far-reaching pull of gravity between galaxies. It tells us more about where these extraordinary events can take place and, most importantly, how the elements that make up our world came to be.

What still isn’t known

As this explosion was far away, our instruments could not measure which elements were forged in the collision. Similar bright explosions may be produced not only by binary neutron star mergers, but also by mergers involving neutron stars and black holes, or even other types of compact stellar remnants such as white dwarfs, the leftover cores of Sun-like stars.

What’s next

New powerful observatories, such as the James Webb Space Telescope and the Nancy Grace Roman Space Telescope, will enable the discovery and detailed study of distant mergers responsible for producing heavy elements.

Future advanced X-ray missions, such as NewAthena and AXIS, will increase our ability to identify these types of explosions.

These new capabilities will move side by side with the development of the next generation of gravitational wave detectors: Einstein Telescope and Cosmic Explorer. These will allow us to decipher the nature of these mergers, marking a new era for multimessenger astronomy. Together, these telescopes will be essential for understanding how the elements that make up our world are formed.

The Conversation

Simone Dichiara receives funding from the National Aeronautics and Space Administration and the Smithsonian Astrophysical Observatory

Eleonora Troja receives funding from European Research Council.

ref. Astrophysicists trace the origin of valuable metals in space, from colliding stars to merging galaxies – https://theconversation.com/astrophysicists-trace-the-origin-of-valuable-metals-in-space-from-colliding-stars-to-merging-galaxies-272328

Il y a assez de nourriture pour nourrir tout le monde. Alors, pourquoi l’insécurité alimentaire persiste ?

Source: The Conversation – in French – By Norrin Halilem, Full professor in Knowledge and Innovation Management, Science Populariser, Université Laval

La production alimentaire mondiale atteint des records. En 2025, la quantité de nourriture produite par habitant était à son niveau le plus élevé jamais enregistré, soutenue par une hausse plus rapide que la croissance démographique au cours des dernières décennies. Selon le Programme alimentaire mondial, cette nourriture produite pourrait suffire à nourrir chaque enfant, femme et homme sur Terre.


Pourtant, près de 2,3 milliards de personnes ont connu en 2024 une forme d’insécurité alimentaire, allant de la faim chronique à un accès limité à une alimentation nutritive et de qualité, selon l’Organisation des Nations unies pour l’alimentation et l’agriculture (FAO). Bien que souvent associée aux pays en développement, cette situation est également prévalente dans de nombreux pays développés.

Ainsi, au Canada, près de 7 millions de personnes (17 %) vivent dans l’incertitude quotidienne quant à leur prochain repas. En Europe, l’insécurité alimentaire touche entre 5 et 20 % de la population. Aux États-Unis, malgré plusieurs programmes fédéraux, 46 millions de personnes, soit 13 %, dépendent chaque année des banques alimentaires pour nourrir leurs familles.

La FAO estime que le quart des populations dans les Caraïbes et en Amérique latine font face à une insécurité alimentaire sévère à modérée, plus du tiers en Asie centrale, du Sud et de l’Ouest et en Afrique du Nord, la moitié en Océanie (hors Australie et Nouvelle-Zélande) et les deux-tiers en Afrique subsaharienne.

Des effets dévastateurs sur la santé physique et mentale

L’objectif « Faim zéro » fixé pour 2030 par les Nations unies semble désormais hors de portée. Les estimations actuelles suggèrent qu’au moins 600 millions de personnes devraient connaître encore la faim en 2030, ce qui constituerait un échec mondial majeur par rapport aux ambitions déclarées.

L’insécurité alimentaire est considérée comme une cause profonde de nombreux autres problèmes, puisqu’elle entraîne des effets dévastateurs sur la santé physique et mentale des populations touchées et même sur la stabilité des pays.

Les personnes en situation d’insécurité alimentaire présentent des taux plus élevés d’obésité, de diabète, d’hypertension et de troubles mentaux, créant un cercle vicieux qui entraîne des défis sociaux et sanitaires coûteux.

Professeur à l’Université Laval en gestion des connaissances et de l’innovation, mes travaux de recherche portent sur les solutions de réduction de la pauvreté. Avec le chercheur en développement durable Kouassi Marius Honoré Aké, nous analysons le contraste entre l’abondance de la production alimentaire mondiale et la persistance de l’insécurité alimentaire. Nous n’abordons pas dans cet article les causes des famines causées par les guerres, qui répondent à d’autres logiques.

Des causes multiples, des approches fragmentées

L’insécurité alimentaire est souvent réduite à une question de pauvreté, alors que ses causes sont multiples et interconnectées : inégalités de revenus, précarité de l’emploi, faible niveau d’éducation, complexité administrative et restrictions budgétaires.

De plus, l’approche fragmentée des interventions, avec des acteurs politiques et des ONG qui opèrent en silos, complique la situation. La plupart des programmes se concentrent sur les symptômes sans réellement s’attaquer aux causes structurelles.

Un gaspillage éhonté

Alors que l’insécurité alimentaire concerne des millions de personnes, le gaspillage alimentaire atteint des niveaux difficiles à justifier. Ainsi, selon la FAO, plus de 1,3 milliard de tonnes de nourriture sont gaspillées chaque année dans le monde, soit près du tiers de la production alimentaire. Une étude exhaustive, basée sur 54 recherches scientifiques, réalisée par la chercheuse allemande Elisa Uhlig et des experts en durabilité en 2025, indique que la nourriture est surtout gâchée au début et à la fin du processus.

Plus précisément, selon d’autres données utilisées par un groupe de chercheurs suédois sur les questions d’agriculture durable et par la FAO, c’est 40 % de la nourriture qui est principalement gâchée lors de la production dans les pays en développement, tandis qu’un pourcentage similaire l’est durant les phases de distribution, de mise en marché et de consommation dans les pays développés.

Ainsi, chaque jour, des entreprises agroalimentaires et des réseaux de distribution éliminent des tonnes de nourriture encore consommable pour des raisons techniques, esthétiques, logistiques ou commerciales.

Facteur aggravant : ces grandes entreprises transforment leurs déchets et leurs activités d’aide alimentaire en stratégie de relations publiques et en avantages fiscaux. Certaines convertissent leurs excédents en dons alimentaires, tout en évitant les coûts liés à la gestion des déchets. Ainsi, l’aide alimentaire devient un outil de communication qui dissimule mal les responsabilités du secteur privé dans la reproduction des inégalités.

L’échec des programmes gouvernementaux et les contradictions du secteur privé

Face à ces limites institutionnelles et à ces incohérences de marché, de nouvelles approches voient le jour. Celles-ci s’articulent autour de trois dimensions : une utilisation plus efficace des ressources, une amélioration de la qualité nutritionnelle et un renforcement des capacités des populations touchées.

Il ne s’agit plus seulement d’augmenter la production alimentaire, mais de repenser les systèmes alimentaires pour les rendre plus équitables, durables et résilients. Ces solutions intègrent donc la justice sociale, la durabilité environnementale et la viabilité économique.

Certaines banques alimentaires élargissent d’ailleurs leur mission. C’est le cas de la Los Angeles Regional Food Bank, aux États-Unis, du réseau Right to Food, au Canada, ou de l’Applied Nutrition Project, au Kenya.

Ces banques ne se contentent plus de distribuer des denrées, mais proposent également des formations d’accompagnement budgétaire ou culinaire, des conseils en droits sociaux, des jardins communautaires et des programmes d’insertion professionnelle. L’objectif est de réduire la dépendance à l’aide alimentaire plutôt que de l’entretenir.

Par ailleurs, la technologie ouvre de nouvelles opportunités. Avec des applications comme Too Good To Go, plus de 150 millions de repas sont sauvés de la poubelle chaque année et proposés à prix réduit. Cette approche illustre comment l’innovation peut aussi connecter l’abondance au besoin et réduire le gaspillage.


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Le développement de partenariats stratégiques est essentiel pour réduire l’insécurité alimentaire. Des partenariats intersectoriels favorisent la création de synergies entre les producteurs, les organismes communautaires, les entreprises et les consommateurs finaux. En mobilisant les ressources et les compétences, ces collaborations renforcent l’efficacité des initiatives contre la faim.

L’insécurité alimentaire n’est pas une fatalité, mais le symptôme d’inégalités structurelles qui nécessitent des solutions systémiques.

La Conversation Canada

Les auteurs ne travaillent pas, ne conseillent pas, ne possèdent pas de parts, ne reçoivent pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’ont déclaré aucune autre affiliation que leur organisme de recherche.

ref. Il y a assez de nourriture pour nourrir tout le monde. Alors, pourquoi l’insécurité alimentaire persiste ? – https://theconversation.com/il-y-a-assez-de-nourriture-pour-nourrir-tout-le-monde-alors-pourquoi-linsecurite-alimentaire-persiste-270221

Gifts from top 50 US philanthropists jumped to $22.4B in 2025 − Mike Bloomberg, Bill Gates and the estate of Paul Allen lead a list of the biggest givers

Source: The Conversation – USA (2) – By David Campbell, Professor of Public Administration, Binghamton University, State University of New York

Home Depot co-founder Arthur Blank, one of the top 50 donors of 2025, talks with his son Josh Blank. Kara Durrette/Getty Images

The 50 American individuals and couples who gave or pledged the most to charity in 2025 committed US$22.4 billion to foundations, universities, hospitals and more. That total was 35% above an inflation-adjusted $16.6 billion in 2024, according to the Chronicle of Philanthropy’s latest annual tally of these donations.

Media entrepreneur and former New York Mayor Mike Bloomberg led the Chronicle’s Philanthropy 50 list, followed by Microsoft co-founders Bill Gates and Paul Allen. Allen died in 2018, but his estate is still being settled.

The Conversation U.S. asked David Campbell, Lindsey McDougle and Hans Peter Schmitz, three scholars of philanthropy and nonprofits, to assess the significance of these gifts and to consider what they indicate about the state of charitable giving in the United States.

What trends stand out overall?

Schmitz: Higher education, hospitals, medical research, foundations and donor-advised funds – which serve as savings accounts reserved for charitable giving – drew the biggest gifts in 2025. The education and medical fields are a perennial favorite of high-dollar donors. To a degree, these preferences for supporting education and health were first expressed by Andrew Carnegie in his 1889 essay, “The Gospel of Wealth,” in which he famously claimed that “the man who dies rich dies disgraced.”

Campbell: This list changes little from year to year. Of this year’s top 20 donors, 16 have appeared at least one other time over the past five years. Six others have also made this list at least two other times since 2021. For the third year in a row, former New York City Mayor Mike Bloomberg is at the top of the list. He gave away over $4 billion in 2025, over $500 million more than the next highest donor.

Half of these 22 repeat top-50 givers have signed The Giving Pledge, in which they made a public commitment “to give the majority of their wealth to charitable causes in their lifetime or wills.” Their appearance on the list shows that they are making at least some progress toward that commitment.

How they give their money hasn’t changed much either. A dozen of the 22 who make this list year after year regularly fund the same causes – often their own family foundations. Donations to foundations increase the amount of money those philanthropic institutions may give away in the future, but that money might not be disbursed anytime soon. By law, foundations only have to donate or spend 5% of the money they possess every year.

McDougle: The top 50 donors gave more in 2025 than they had since 2021. But this growth is highly concentrated. Mike Bloomberg alone accounts for 19% of the $22.4 billion they gave in 2025, and the top 10 accounted for nearly three-quarters of what all 50 gave to charity.

This pattern reflects a broader reality: A small number of ultra-wealthy individuals increasingly dominate American philanthropy. This concentration is raising questions about democratic accountability, including this one: Whose priorities define the public good?

In my opinion, this kind of concentration can skew philanthropic priorities. Decisions about education, health care, climate policy and democracy can increasingly become influenced not through public deliberation, but through the discretionary choices of a few members of a financial elite.

What surprises you about the biggest donors?

Schmitz: I find it odd that MacKenzie Scott isn’t on this list. She says she gave $7.1 billion in 2025. If she had met the Chronicle of Philanthropy’s criteria, that would have landed her in first place by far. Unfortunately, the Chronicle says that MacKenzie Scott has never provided sufficient information about her generosity since becoming a major donor on her own, following her 2019 divorce from Amazon founder Jeff Bezos. And that leaves her off the list year after year.

Campbell: The Trump administration’s defunding of the U.S. Agency for International Development is among the most significant events of 2025. When it began, some philanthropy scholars wondered whether wealthy donors would replace at least a portion of the lost funds.

One example of that happening: Jacklyn and Miguel Bezos, the parents of Amazon founder Jeff Bezos, pledged up to $500 million to UNICEF, the United Nations humanitarian relief organization. No other donors on this list clearly made gifts for international development or foreign aid such a high priority. However, some of these donors’ foundations, notably the Gates Foundation, do support those efforts.

Similarly, it’s unclear to what extent these donors are responding to the huge funding cuts to research that the Trump administration made in 2025.

Several of them have supported medical research in the past and continued to do in 2025. Sergey Brin gave the Michael J. Fox Foundation $50 million for Parkinson’s disease research, a continuation of his past commitment to that organization. Phil and Penny Knight, the founder of Nike and his wife, announced plans to give $2 billion to the Oregon Health & Science University’s Knight Cancer Institute.

McDougle: I think it’s striking that there are no women who made this year’s Philanthropy 50 list on their own. The women listed appear only as part of a married couple, as members of a family, or within joint giving structures that include a male donor. By contrast, there are 24 male donors listed on their own.

Last year’s list included multiple women as sole donors, including two in the top 10.

The absence of women listed here who gave independently of men mirrors broader wealth disparities in the U.S.: About 86% of U.S. billionaires are men, according to the Forbes’ Real-Time Billionaires list.

What concerns do you have?

Schmitz: The list excludes donors like MacKenzie Scott, but includes other very rich donors with serious ethical issues. Businessman Denny Sanford is one example. He signed the Giving Pledge in 2010. He was removed from it in 2023 after being investigated for the alleged possession of child pornography. South Dakota prosecutors ultimately declined to levy charges against the philanthropist, who ranked 14th among the top 50 donors of 2025.

The reputation of Microsoft co-founder Bill Gates, one of the world’s biggest donors, is also getting tarnished. In February 2026, he apologized to the staff of the Gates Foundation for his ties to Jeffrey Epstein.

I suggest that the Chronicle of Philanthropy take ethically problematic behavior into consideration when it composes this annual list.

Campbell: It’s a bit surprising to see that only 19 of the top 50 donors are also on the Forbes 400, which lists the nation’s richest people. The wealthiest Americans have the most to give, and I would have expected to see more of them among the top 50 givers as well. Instead, what we see is that philanthropy is a higher and consistent priority more for some than for others, which I find disappointing.

I would like to see more members of the Forbes 400 on this list next year.

What do you expect to see in 2026 and beyond?

Campbell: We are living in a politically volatile moment, with high levels of polarization and increased concerns about democratic backsliding in the United States.

Several of these donors have made strengthening democracy a high priority, including Pierre and Pam Omidyar, and Home Depot co-founder Arthur Blank, through his family foundation. However, I don’t believe that this issue has been a high enough priority among the biggest givers in recent years. I would think that this kind of giving could increase in 2026.

McDougle: Another factor is demographic. Most of the top 50 donors are in their 60s or older. In the years ahead, philanthropy is likely to be influenced by a significant intergenerational transfer of wealth. Philanthropy scholars and consultants estimate that tens of trillions of dollars will transfer from older Americans to their younger heirs over the coming decades.

That shift could have substantial implications for large-scale giving. At the same time, it remains unclear whether the top 50 donors under 60 will be inclined to establish foundations. Surveys of very wealthy families suggest that younger donors often express different priorities than older ones.

Whether those preferences will reshape elite philanthropy remains an open question.

The Conversation

David Campbell is chair of the Conrad and Virginia Klee Foundation Board.

Lindsey McDougle is president-elect of the Association for Research on Nonprofit Organizations and Voluntary Action (ARNOVA).

Hans Peter Schmitz does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Gifts from top 50 US philanthropists jumped to $22.4B in 2025 − Mike Bloomberg, Bill Gates and the estate of Paul Allen lead a list of the biggest givers – https://theconversation.com/gifts-from-top-50-us-philanthropists-jumped-to-22-4b-in-2025-mike-bloomberg-bill-gates-and-the-estate-of-paul-allen-lead-a-list-of-the-biggest-givers-276825

Robert F. Kennedy Jr, a master in the political craft of doubt – a linguist’s take

Source: The Conversation – France – By Fatima-Zahra Aklalouch, Associate Professor, Université Paris Cité

Robert F. Kennedy Jr. is not just a controversial politician. There is more to him than meets the eye: he is a figure who has turned suspicion into a political identity, and who has learned how to weaponize the language of transparency in order to erode confidence in Public health itself.

His rise to power is not only a story about vaccines. It is a story about how distrust is produced. Sentence by sentence, metaphor by metaphor, until uncertainty feels like common sense.

Kennedy’s biography begins with inherited authority. Born in 1954, the nephew of John F. Kennedy and the son of Robert F. Kennedy, he carries a name that still resonates with American idealism. Yet, as French newspaper Le Monde notes, he has increasingly become associated with conspiracy-inflected activism and vaccine skepticism, an uneasy fusion of dynasty and dissidence.

For decades, Kennedy’s public career was not centred on medicine but on environmental law. He built credibility as an environmental lawyer and activist battling corporate polluters, suing industries accused of poisoning rivers and communities. This period matters because it provided the moral template that continues to shape his rhetoric. Powerful industries harm the innocent, regulators fail, and the lone crusader exposes what has been hidden.

The problem is that Kennedy later imported this “template” and applied it to public health, treating vaccines less as medical tools than as symbols of institutional corruption.

The “RFK Jr. rhetoric” in the making

The pivot began in the mid-2000s, when Kennedy increasingly started promoting claims about vaccine safety. He became chairman of Children’s Health Defense, one of the most influential organizations in the American anti-vaccine ecosystem. Fact-checkers note that he repeatedly advanced debunked links between vaccines and autism, despite overwhelming scientific evidence rejecting them.

The language of doubt: reading between the lines

What distinguishes Kennedy is not simply his conclusions, but his rhetorical method. He rarely presents himself as an opponent of vaccination outright. Instead, he constructs a linguistic shield of moderation:

“I am pro-safety… I am not anti-vaccine… All of my kids are vaccinated.”

This disclaimer is not incidental. It is strategic. By denying the label while sustaining suspicion, Kennedy makes doubt appear reasonable, even responsible. The effect is to normalise distrust without ever owning its implications.

During the Coronavirus pandemic, this rhetoric expanded dramatically. Nature described Kennedy as one of the most prominent spreaders of vaccine misinformation in the United States. NPR similarly highlighted how he amplified distrust toward public health institutions during the crisis.

His language in this period reveals a consistent populist grammar of ordinary citizens and parents versus captured elites. Vaccination becomes not a medical intervention but a symbol of coercion. “Submit to the government, do what you’re told,” he says, lamenting that “there is no discussion.”

Pitching Science against ‘truth seeking’

This language is politically potent precisely because it shifts the terrain. The debate is no longer about epidemiology, but it is about freedom, betrayal, and moral agency. Science becomes not a method but an institution to be distrusted.

Kennedy’s discourse is sustained by a careful cultivation of uncertainty. “There isn’t proof,” he concedes, then pivots, “we don’t know what causes it yet, so shouldn’t we be open-minded?” The move is subtle – consensus is reshaped as premature closure, scepticism as intellectual virtue.

At times, Kennedy goes further, redefining science itself. “Science doesn’t say anything,” he declares. “Science is a dispute.” It is an epistemic manoeuvre with serious consequences. If science is merely an endless argument, then no evidence can ever fully settle the question. Doubt becomes permanent.

To legitimize dissent, Kennedy often relies on moral storytelling rather than rigorous methodology. He invokes Francis Kelsey, the FDA scientist who resisted thalidomide approval, celebrating her because she “questioned science.” The implicit suggestion is clear: today’s dissident may be tomorrow’s hero. But the analogy is misleading. Questioning regulatory negligence is not equivalent to undermining decades of vaccine evidence.

When challenged directly, Kennedy often replaces consensus with competing “alternative” studies, promising that if wrong he will “publicly apologise,” while insisting “there are other studies as well.” Closure is endlessly deferred and the conversation is designed never to end.

The most consequential shift, however, is that Kennedy’s rhetoric has begun to reshape institutions. Lawmakers accused him of destabilising vaccine governance after he dismissed all 17 members of a major advisory committee, calling the move unprecedented and reckless.

The American Public Health Association warned that his record reflects misinformation and poor scientific judgment. The Lancet went further, arguing that his influence could worsen global vaccine hesitancy, citing Samoa’s measles outbreak as a deadly example of mistrust amplified into catastrophe.

Kennedy does not operate alone. Around him exists an ecosystem that portrays him as a persecuted truth-teller. US Senator Elizabeth Warren’s report describes his leadership as a systematic pattern of anti-vaccine disruption. What emerges is not merely individual skepticism, but a movement in which mistrust is foundational and transparency becomes a political weapon.

The deeper question RFK Jr. forces upon public life is not whether vaccines are safe – a matter repeatedly settled by scientific evidence – but whether democratic societies can survive the strategic erosion of shared reality.

Where will RFK Jr.’s voice lead to?

At some point, the story stops being about one man’s claims and becomes about the culture that allows those claims to flourish.

How does doubt become identity? How does questioning become a form of power?

And what happens when the language of science is transformed into a battlefield rather than a method?

In such a world, science stops functioning as a common tool for establishing evidence. Instead, it becomes a rhetorical terrain. Competing actors claim the authority of science, each presenting their own version of it. The result is not clarity but permanent conflict, where the word itself becomes ammunition in the fight over who gets to define reality.

Kennedy began as an environmental crusader. He has become a Public health dissident. He is now something more troubling: a political actor whose influence lies not in solving uncertainty, but in sustaining it.

Perhaps the most urgent question is not what Robert F. Kennedy Jr. believes. It is what his rhetoric makes possible.

The Conversation

Fatima-Zahra Aklalouch ne travaille pas, ne conseille pas, ne possède pas de parts, ne reçoit pas de fonds d’une organisation qui pourrait tirer profit de cet article, et n’a déclaré aucune autre affiliation que son organisme de recherche.

ref. Robert F. Kennedy Jr, a master in the political craft of doubt – a linguist’s take – https://theconversation.com/robert-f-kennedy-jr-a-master-in-the-political-craft-of-doubt-a-linguists-take-276454

Nigeria’s crypto boom isn’t just about technology – trust plays a role in the local gadget trade with China

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Atta Addo, Senior Lecturer in Digital Innovation and Entrepreneurship, University of Surrey

On a humid afternoon in Nigeria’s commercial capital, Lagos, a young trader in electronics pulls out his phone and opens Binance, the world’s largest cryptocurrency trading platform by trading volume. He’s not monitoring the Bitcoin market or chasing the next crypto craze. He’s paying a supplier in the Chinese port city of Guangzhou for 500 smartphones.

Like numerous other traders at the Lagos Computer Village, he has a Binance digital wallet to store, send and receive cryptocurrency pegged to the US dollar (USDT). Within minutes, his payment lands in China. His supplier confirms. The phones will ship tomorrow.

Five years ago, this transaction would have been nearly impossible. The Lagos phone buyer would have had to queue at the nearby commercial bank; fill out forms for foreign exchange; and wait as long as 7-21 days for clearance. On top of that, there was no guarantee of foreign exchange approval being granted. The other alternative was turning to the black markets, which attract exorbitant rates.

Now? Welcome to Nigeria’s quiet cryptocurrency revolution. He taps his screen a few times. Done.

Developing countries are recording high cryptocurrency adoption rates surpassing more advanced economies. Nigeria stands out, with one of the highest rates of crypto adoption globally. But the reasons aren’t clear.




Read more:
Crypto countries: Nigeria and El Salvador’s opposing journeys into digital currencies – podcast


The focus of my scholarly research is digital innovation and entrepreneurship. My co-researcher and I sought to examine cryptocurrency adoption and diffusion and its use for cross-border payments in the Nigerian context. We took a case study approach. Data collection involved two rounds of interviews with retailers from Nigeria, suppliers from China, informal exchangers, crypto brokers, and mediators.

One might think cryptocurrency’s appeal lies in its technology: decentralisation, the fact that it cannot be altered once recorded, all that. But our research found something else. Crypto works in Nigeria because of human networks of trust.

We have evidence to suggest that crypto adoption and diffusion in this context occurs through:

  • a reinforcing process of technology transformation, adoption and use

  • a strong coalition of the interests of diverse actors

  • a dynamic relationship between the technical elements of crypto and contextual political, economic, social, technological, legal, environmental influences.

Insights from the study might be useful for addressing adoption challenges and designing inclusive financial systems in similar contexts.

Meet the crypto brokers

Located in the capital of Lagos State, south-western Nigeria, the Computer Village hosts over 5,000 informal micro, small and medium enterprises. It is billed as Africa’s largest market for information and communication technology accessories. This was the focal point of our case study.

We interviewed retailers importing from China, the crypto brokers who help them, Chinese suppliers, and the network of intermediaries who make it all work. What emerged was a sophisticated parallel financial system processing millions monthly, built entirely outside traditional banking. Between July 2023 and June 2024, Nigeria is estimated to have processed US$59 billion in crypto transaction value, up to 85% of it from retail trade.

Here’s how it works in three quick steps lasting less than an hour:

  • A crypto broker sits in a small office near the market. Retailers call in with the local currency, naira.

  • The naira is converted into USDT using peer-to-peer exchanges; the stablecoin is sent to contacts in China.

  • These Chinese traders convert USDT to yuan and pay the supplier directly.

One broker told us:

Retailers don’t need to understand blockchain. That’s my job. They just know their supplier gets paid fast, and they save money.

Crypto brokers charge lower fees than banks or Western Union. But speed matters even more than cost. In Nigeria’s volatile economy, prices can shift overnight. A delayed payment might mean your supplier raises prices or your goods arrive after competitors have restocked. Crypto eliminates that risk.

These brokers didn’t emerge from fintech accelerators or venture capital. Many were young tech-savvy relatives of traders who saw a problem and built a solution. They positioned themselves as indispensable – the only way to get past Nigeria’s restricted financial system and and do global trade.

Brokers guarantee payments personally. If something goes wrong, they cover losses from their own pockets to maintain reputation. One broker told us he absorbed a ₦2 million loss (about US$2,500) when a Chinese intermediary disappeared with funds. Retailers recommend brokers to fellow traders in the tight-knit market community. Chinese crypto traders work only with verified contacts, often through elaborate referral systems.

Cryptocurrency here doesn’t replace human relationships. It’s technology that enables and extends existing trust networks, letting them operate at global scale.

The infrastructure of resilience

The system relies on more than just brokers and goodwill. Stablecoins like USDT solve volatility. Mobile wallets work on basic smartphones. QR codes enable transactions even when internet is patchy. Peer-to-peer exchanges bypass bank restrictions legally. Nigeria’s central bank had banned banks from crypto transactions since 2021 but reversed its decision in 2023, citing global regulatory trends.

When suppliers in China initially refused to accept cryptocurrency, brokers enrolled Chinese crypto traders as intermediaries. These traders buy USDT from Nigerian brokers (often at slight discounts, giving them profit), convert it to yuan, and pay suppliers through conventional Chinese banking. The supplier never touches crypto. They just receive payment.




Read more:
Why do identical informal businesses set up side by side? It’s a survival tactic – Kenya study


This is innovation through adaptation. It is not building a perfect system from scratch, but cobbling together solutions from available pieces until something works.

Computer Village itself plays a role. Concentrated markets create information flow. Success stories spread fast. A trader mentions his broker completed a payment in 20 minutes, and suddenly five more retailers want introductions. Physical proximity accelerates network growth in ways digital advertising never could.

What happens when the state pushes back

In 2021, Nigeria’s central bank ordered commercial banks to close accounts dealing with cryptocurrency. The government worried about speculation, money laundering and capital flight. This sounded the death knell for crypto in Nigeria.




Read more:
Digital trade protocol for Africa: why it matters, what’s in it and what’s still missing


Instead, the network adapted. Brokers shifted to peer-to-peer platforms. Over-the-counter exchangers (informal traders who swap crypto for cash) expanded operations. Transaction volumes continued to grow.

What this means for Africa and beyond

Nigeria isn’t alone. Similar patterns appear across developing economies – Kenya, Ghana, Vietnam, India. Wherever formal financial systems strain under inflation, currency controls or institutional weakness, cryptocurrency fills gaps.




Read more:
Stablecoins are gaining ground as digital currency in Africa: how to avoid risks


This isn’t speculation. Traders are using stablecoins as dollar-equivalent tokens that move faster and cheaper than wire transfers.

It’s also not “banking the unbanked” in the usual sense. Many of these traders have bank accounts. Banks just can’t provide what they need: rapid, affordable, reliable cross-border payments.

For policymakers, the lesson should be humbling. You can’t ban away an innovation that solves real problems. When formal institutions fail to serve economic needs, informal systems emerge. The question is whether governments will learn from these systems or simply fight them.

Mayowa Joy David contributed to the research on which this article is based.

The Conversation

Atta Addo does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Nigeria’s crypto boom isn’t just about technology – trust plays a role in the local gadget trade with China – https://theconversation.com/nigerias-crypto-boom-isnt-just-about-technology-trust-plays-a-role-in-the-local-gadget-trade-with-china-268319

China in Africa: investment and trade work well when there’s strong oversight, and badly when there isn’t

Source: The Conversation – Africa – By Vincent Tawiah, Assistant Professor in International Financial Reporting, Dublin City University

China’s economic footprint in Africa has grown fast over the last two decades. Across the continent, Chinese-backed mines, oilfields, railways and industrial zones have gone from being ambitious projects to central pillars of national development plans.

This has been made possible by over US$181 billion in infrastructure loans and about US$50 billion in foreign direct investment.

The China-Africa relationship is often portrayed as one of two things: either a threat to sovereignty or a development opportunity.

But the findings in a recent paper suggest it’s not so simple. Foreign investment becomes harmful only when domestic institutions allow it to be. Some forms of foreign engagement – such as natural resources for loans – may add to environmental pressures. But some strategic investment can support greener development. This is particularly true in infrastructure and productive sectors.

Based on these findings, and my work on economic, governance and environmental implications of Chinese investment and trade in Africa, it’s clear that Chinese engagement offers substantial economic opportunities. But it can also lead to the rapid depletion of vital energy and forest resources, undermining long-term development goals, if institutional “guardrails” are weak.

The results suggest that policymakers must insist on institutional reforms and environmental accountability if they want to achieve sustainable economic growth. Foreign economic activities must contribute to lasting national wealth rather than short-term extraction.

Beyond sustainability

The research looked at how Chinese foreign direct investment and trade influenced resource depletion across 28 African nations from 1998 to 2022.

It found that Chinese foreign direct investment accelerated depletion. This was notable in the energy and forestry sectors of countries with weak institutions.

Investment tended to push extraction beyond sustainable levels when:

  • environmental standards are unclear

  • enforcement bodies are underfunded

  • governance is compromised.

Forests shrank faster, mineral reserves were exploited aggressively and energy resources were depleted with little long-term planning.

The same study also noted that these risks were lower where governance is robust.

It found that foreign investment did not automatically lead to greater resource depletion were countries had stronger institutions, clear regulatory frameworks and credible oversight.

Botswana and Mauritius are examples.

Botswana has successfully averted the “resource curse” – when resource wealth leads to economic stagnation and corruption. It has done this by anchoring its economy in a robust rule of law and transparent institutional oversight. Central to this strategy is the Pula Fund, a sovereign wealth fund established in 1993.

The fund manages the long-term proceeds from the diamond industry by reinvesting them into foreign currency assets. This ensures that non-renewable mineral wealth is converted into sustainable financial capital for future generations.

Similarly, Mauritius uses regulations to ensure industrial investment does not harm the environment.

When oversight was credible, investment was channelled into sustainable, inclusive growth. This preserves national wealth for future generations.

But where governance was weak, the same investment could result in environmental degradation.

The Democratic Republic of Congo illustrated this. It has the world’s largest cobalt reserves. But weak government and persistent conflict have made it difficult to enforce mining codes. Artisanal and industrial mining practices cause severe water pollution and deforestation.

Similarly, Equatorial Guinea has an economy almost entirely dependent on oil. Producing more oil is seen as more important than meeting environmental standards. Transparency and accountability are poor.

The findings suggest that the environmental impact of Chinese involvement is not fixed. It hinges on whether African states have the institutional capacity to manage extraction responsibly.

Trade matters too, but governance still determines outcomes

Over the last two decades, China-Africa trade has rocketed. It shot up from US$10 billion in 2000 to $348 billion in 2025.

China exports high-value manufactured goods like electronics and solar panels. African exports mainly raw materials.

South Africa, the DRC, Nigeria and Angola together account for nearly half of the continent’s total trade volume with China.

The research found that trade with China played a more mixed role than investment.

On its own, trade didn’t appear to cause widespread environmental degradation. But in countries with weak governance, soaring trade demand often reinforced unsustainable practices. The energy sector was a case in point.

Without the referees of strong institutions, the pressure to meet export quotas encouraged intensified, unregulated extraction.

South Sudan and Nigeria illustrate this well. Conflict or corruption compromised oversight. Massive demand for crude oil led to bypassed environmental audits and severe localised pollution.

This creates a resource trap. Angola, for example, values immediate trade revenue over long-term ecological health. This leaves local communities to bear the cost of degraded landscapes and contaminated water.

What African governments can do

Across all forms of economic engagement, one factor shaped the outcome: governance quality.

The findings point towards what’s needed.

Firstly, stronger environmental regulation and enforcement.

Secondly, clear standards, independent oversight bodies and well-resourced regulatory agencies.

Thirdly, environmental safeguards in investment agreements. As part of project approvals, governments can require:

  • environmental restoration plans

  • transparent reporting of environmental impacts

  • community consultation.

Fourth, long-term resource management. Natural resources underpin energy security, biodiversity and future economic growth.

Fifth, transparency and public accountability. Open contracting, environmental disclosures and accessible data empower citizens and civil society to hold governments and investors to account.

Africa’s natural resources will become even more strategically valuable as global demand for minerals, energy and agricultural land continues to rise. Ensuring that this benefits African societies, rather than eroding their ecological foundations, will depend on one central factor: the strength of governance across the continent.

The Conversation

Vincent Tawiah does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. China in Africa: investment and trade work well when there’s strong oversight, and badly when there isn’t – https://theconversation.com/china-in-africa-investment-and-trade-work-well-when-theres-strong-oversight-and-badly-when-there-isnt-273815

HIV in Malawi: digital filing system saved lives and boosted care – research

Source: The Conversation – Africa (2) – By Laura Derksen, senior researcher at the Ragnar Frisch Centre for Economic Research, University of Oslo

In the global fight against HIV/Aids, one of the most exciting innovations is not a new drug, but a better filing system.

This is what we’re seeing in Malawi, one of the most HIV-affected countries in the world. About 7% of the population there live with the virus.

The country is one of the few meeting the United Nations 95-95-95 targets (95% of people living with HIV are diagnosed, 95% of those diagnosed are treated, and 95% of those on treatment have a viral load below 200 copies per millilitre). Sustaining this progress is a massive challenge in large clinics, and requires not only medical staff and supplies but efficient management of patient data.

Effective HIV treatment requires lifelong consistency. Patients must visit clinics every few months to refill prescriptions for antiretroviral therapy, a combination of drugs that prolongs life and prevents HIV transmission. In high-volume, under-resourced clinics, tracking who has missed an appointment is difficult.

As a team of management and global health economists, we wanted to know whether better data management could help explain Malawi’s success. Our recent research used an event study to analyse a gradual rollout of an electronic medical record system, to replace paper-based records, in 106 Malawian HIV clinics between 2007 and 2019. Event study analysis, which involves comparing outcomes before and after a policy change while accounting for clinic and year fixed effects, is a method for causal inference widely used by health economists.

At the time of electronic records adoption, roughly half of patients had stopped coming for treatment. The switch to electronic medical records allowed clinics to track patients more efficiently and support return to care among lapsed patients. Five years after the system was adopted, the annual number of patients who died was estimated to have fallen by 28%.

As with any study, there are important caveats to keep in mind. The findings are based on 106 clinics in Malawi, and while HIV clinics face common challenges across sub-Saharan Africa, results may not translate directly. The study also relies on administrative data, which means patient deaths could be slightly under-counted, and some patients who lapsed from care and returned under new identifiers may not have been accurately identified. Finally, it is not possible to directly observe whether clinic staff used the system to trace lapsed patients; instead, we infer this mechanism from the increase in the total number of patients actively returning to care after electronic records were introduced.

Paper records in a digital age

HIV care in Malawi is managed by the Ministry of Health, in collaboration with local and international organisations. HIV patient clinics are typically situated within larger hospitals or health centres. The 106 clinics in the study were responsible for treating 358,843 active patients as of 2018.

Under the traditional paper-based system, identifying a patient who missed a crucial appointment meant that staff had to manually sift through thousands of physical files. In an understaffed clinic, this often simply did not happen.

To address this, the Ministry of Health collaborated with Baobab Health Trust, a local NGO, to develop and implement a new electronic medical record system. The system involves touchscreen workstations designed for durability and ease of use. Because the system was designed to be user-friendly, it did not require hiring new, specialised personnel. Existing clinic staff were trained to operate the system in sessions as short as half a day.

How the system saves lives

The electronic system did not change the medication patients received, nor did it increase the number of doctors. Instead, it improved managerial efficiency. The system automatically generates a list of patients who have missed their appointments by a specific margin. This allows clinic staff to quickly identify who needs help and use their limited time to trace these patients. They could then call them or visit their homes to encourage them to return to care. According to the clinic staff we interviewed, patients often view this outreach as a form of social support and a sign that the clinic cares about their well-being.

The effects were immediate. In clinics equipped with electronic medical records, the probability of a patient being lapsed from care dropped significantly. In the year following its adoption, clinics saw a 17% increase in the number of patients actively in care.

The benefits were most profound for the most vulnerable patients: children. Children under the age of 10 are uniquely dependent on caregivers and are at the highest risk of dropping out of treatment. Before the electronic medical records were introduced, 57% of children had lapsed from care.

These lapses result in many child deaths, as HIV/Aids is fatal without treatment. Within five years of the adoption of electronic medical records, the number of children in this age group dying fell by 44%. The electronic system acts as a safety net, ensuring that when a child misses a visit, the clinic notices and acts before it is too late.

A cost-effective solution

The electronic medical system played an important role in Malawi’s success in the fight against HIV/Aids. By 2019, the rollout of this system across the 106 clinics in our study had prevented an estimated 5,050 deaths. The system helped clinics identify patients who had stopped receiving lifesaving care and encourage them to return.

The total cost for an average clinic to adopt the system, including hardware, installation and training, was approximately US$34,050. This was funded by the government with support from international donors.

Based on the number of deaths prevented within the first five years, we estimate the cost to be US$448 per life saved.

To put this in perspective, some of the world’s most highly rated charitable life-saving programmes are estimated to cost around US$4,500 per life saved. In the US, implementing electronic medical records to monitor the health of newborn babies costs roughly $531,000 per life saved.

The future of digital health in Africa

While the study focused on the transition from paper to electronic records up to 2019, the system has continued to evolve and scale. The 106 study facilities represent only a fraction of the more than 700 HIV clinics in Malawi. Scaling and sustaining this system across the remaining facilities represents a challenge and opportunity.

Our findings prove that digital health tools are not a luxury, and should not be reserved for rich countries. In low-resource settings, where staff are overburdened and patient volumes are high, managerial technologies like electronic medical records are a frontline, life-saving intervention. They allow health workers to shift their focus away from managing thousands of paper files and towards addressing patient needs.

As international aid dwindles, these kinds of efficiency gains will be key to delivering lifesaving care and maintaining progress in the fight against HIV/Aids.

The Conversation

Laura Derksen received funding from the Connaught Global Challenge Award.

Anita McGahan receives funding from Canada’s Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council, the University of Toronto, a Connaught Global Challenge Award, and the Burnes Center for Social Change at Northeastern University.

Leandro Pongeluppe receives funding from the Wharton Impact, and the Wharton AI & Analytics Initiative.

ref. HIV in Malawi: digital filing system saved lives and boosted care – research – https://theconversation.com/hiv-in-malawi-digital-filing-system-saved-lives-and-boosted-care-research-274646

Why cloud service outages ripple across the internet – and the economy

Source: The Conversation – USA – By Doug Jacobson, University Professor of Electrical and Computer Engineering, Iowa State University

A cloud outage in 2024 disrupted air travel around the world. AP Photo/Ross D. Franklin

When most people think about the internet, they likely picture websites and apps. What they rarely see are the invisible services that make those experiences possible: systems that translate names into numbers, verify who you are, deliver messages and block malicious traffic.

For example, DNS, the Domain Name System, has quietly become a single point of failure. DNS is the internet’s phone book. When it fails, large parts of the internet effectively disappear, even if servers are still running.

DNS is not alone. Over the past decade, four core internet services – DNS, authentication, email and security infrastructure – have consolidated into a small number of global platforms. As a cybersecurity researcher, I see that this concentration has fundamentally changed how outages unfold. What would once have been a local failure is now often a systemic event, affecting thousands of organizations simultaneously.

The internet was designed to assume failure. Mail servers, DNS resolvers, authentication systems and security monitors were meant to be distributed and locally controlled. Today, for reasons that make economic sense, many companies and organizations outsource all four to the same handful of providers. One cloud service monitoring organization referred to 2025 as the year of the global cloud outage.

An Amazon Web Services outage on Oct. 20, 2025, took down many popular websites and apps for several hours.

DNS, authentication, email and security

Outages are no longer rare exceptions, but a predictable byproduct of efficiency at a global scale. That pattern becomes apparent when you look at a few major outages that have affected each of the four services.

DNS outages are a prime example of systemic risk. If DNS cannot resolve a name, a website may as well not exist. A growing share of global DNS resolution now depends on a small number of providers. That concentration means that a single configuration error, routing issue or attack can ripple across much of the web.

Authentication outages are less visible to the public but often more disruptive inside organizations.

For example, on Oct. 29, 2025, Microsoft Azure experienced a major outage that disrupted authentication and access for millions of users worldwide for over five hours. Another authentication provider, Okta, suffered an outage on Oct. 3.

Authentication has become a universal gatekeeper. When identity services fail, modern organizations don’t degrade gracefully; they come to a halt.

Despite decades of predictions about its decline, email remains a central component of how employers function. Password resets, invoices, legal notices, emergency notifications and incident response coordination all depend on it. When large cloud email providers experience outages, companies and organizations not only lose communication but also struggle to recover accounts and coordinate recovery efforts effectively. In 2025, both Yahoo and Microsoft email services suffered outages.

Since many companies and organizations no longer operate independent mail systems, email outages are increasingly affecting entire industries simultaneously. In an emergency, the system that people rely on to respond may be unavailable.

Security as a service is a rapidly growing market. Cybersecurity infrastructure, including distributed denial-of-service mitigation, firewalls and bot protection, is designed to keep services online. When this infrastructure fails, it can have the opposite effect.

Misconfigured security rules and routing errors at global security providers have repeatedly blocked legitimate traffic on a massive scale. In one well-documented incident in 2024, a routine configuration change by cybersecurity company CrowdStrike caused widespread outages across thousands of unrelated websites.

Why outages are getting more expensive

Industry data suggests that while outages may be becoming less frequent, they are becoming far more costly.

The professional services organization Uptime Institute reports that more than half of major outages now cost over US$100,000, and roughly 1 in 5 exceeds $1 million. These estimated costs reflect lost revenue, stalled operations, reputational damage and, in some cases, risks to health and public safety.

A cloud services outage on July 19, 2024, is estimated to have caused billions of dollars in economic losses.

Centralization magnifies these costs. A single failure now affects a greater number of users, employers and critical services simultaneously. What was once an IT problem has evolved into a multifaceted economic and societal issue.

Concentration is the real risk.

Regulators are beginning to recognize this pattern. In the United States, federal guidance now emphasizes the importance of inventorying cloud dependencies and reducing reliance on a single provider. These efforts reflect a growing realization: The greatest risk is not any one outage, but the structure of dependency that makes those outages unavoidable and wide-reaching.

Accounting for inevitable failures

The internet was designed to route around damage. In the pursuit of convenience and scale, the tech industry has rebuilt key parts of it around a small number of global trust brokers for names, identity, messaging and security. The result is a byproduct of the cloud services business model, where routine failures become systemic events.

Companies and organizations don’t need to abandon the cloud to address this issue. But I believe that it’s important to measure concentration, design for diversity, and rehearse what happens when shared services fail. Resilience does not come from perfection. It stems from choice, redundancy and the ability to fail locally rather than everywhere at once.

The Conversation

Doug Jacobson does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

ref. Why cloud service outages ripple across the internet – and the economy – https://theconversation.com/why-cloud-service-outages-ripple-across-the-internet-and-the-economy-272241